samedi, septembre 23, 2017

korea 9- 23.09.17, korea, yao lu, kevin rudd, australia,




Paris, Saturday, September 23, 2017

Part 1: French text / Part 2: English text, Google Translate

Copy :
1- President of the French Republic
2- European Commission
3- UN
4- Embassies: Australia, North Korea (Berne), South Korea, China, European, Japan, Russia, USA.
5- Presidents of Parliament and French Parliamentary Groups

Reflection on statements by Mr. Yao Lu, a professor of international relations at the Institute of Public Administration at Jilin University, and Mr. Kevin Rudd, former Prime Minister of Australia, on the Korean crisis.




Mr. Yao Lu, an international relations teacher at the Institute of Public Administration at Jilin University, and Mr. Kevin Rudd, former Australian Prime Minister, are making proposals to resolve the Korean crisis.

These proposals are interesting to note the hiatus of the public discourse on this crisis because they make visible the obstacles to the understanding of the situation and they lead to the impasses that everyone finds.

1- Professor Yao Lu
Professor Yao Lu told the China Daily newspaper that the key to resolving the issue "is in the hands of the United States and North Korea."

This amounts to subordinating themselves to the spectacular policies of these two States.
The phantasmic form of this dual and frontal opposition of the leaders of these states stems from their inability to name and control the question posed

Their political logic does not allow them to ask the right questions or answer them. That is why they substitute insult for political expression.

The President of the United States calls the President of North Korea "Rocket-Man". In return, the latter calls him the "mentally ill".

They do not do it because they are idiots but because their confrontation is due to the operation of a system that escapes them completely.

They will not go to the "table of negotiations" demanded by Mr. Yao because even with goodwill they would have nothing to say. They can only reproduce this battle of nuclear rooster to infinity.

This verbal battle is proof that their political backwardness on the facts forbids them to be decision-makers in their own responsibilities.

Professor Yao actually advises to remain in the stupor and trembling of this spectacle.

2- Mr. Kevin Rudd
Mr. Kevin Rudd proposes an "international agreement signed with Russia and China that guarantees the security of North Korea and its regime and, in the long term, a military withdrawal from the Americans of South Korea."

It identifies three possible scenarios:
"The first, which is running in Peking and Pyongyang, is that one day or another the Americans will have to accept the reality, even if it is undesirable, that Korea is a fully functional nuclear power. "
b- Vitrification of North Korea
c- "The third scenario involves the denuclearization of North Korea, but it requires that the United States recognize the raison d’Etat of China and North Korea. It would take a new diplomacy and a big deal. In exchange for dismantling ... »

In all three cases, for Mr. Rudd, the only point of view is that of the United States. They accept, they annihilate, they recognize.

This is subject to a power that constantly demonstrates that it is not mistress of the game but that it is only one of the pawns is the common point of all the interventions of the governments concerned and the reason why the debate is blocked.

This feudal homage to the first world power produces its own political line. This builds the diplomatic impasse and then the opening to the threat of war and the policy of "total destruction".

3- The Armistice
The United States is powerless because they act as the cogs of a device they mastered fifty years ago and now manipulate them.

The actors are raised and turned over like pancakes by the armistice of Panmunjeom, July 27, 1953.

This armistice organizes a process of division and reunification whose actors have lost control. North Korea's atomic weapons testify to the obsolescence of this system.

This armistice assigned to the territorial residence the two political armies. For a long time, the two Korean states were the puppets of these political armies.

The corollary of this division was the reunification of Korea to the benefit of a camp. That is why South Korea has not signed the armistice document.

It is this unifying division of two military-political camps evolving under the guise of two states that is in crisis.

The atomic weapons of North Korea exist first because of this prospect of reunification, which is only possible if the two States or pseudo-States are conceived as the products of a division of the same State original.

By putting itself forward as the protector of South Korea, the United States is part of this unifying division. They are paralyzed.

Therefore, apart from "totally destroying" North Korea, the United States can do nothing but phrases in the face of a novelty that disrupts this mechanism.

4- The conference
Rudd's virtual view that his proposals must become credible and effective is therefore not that of the United States, but that of all States, that is, that of the United Nations.

One should not invent "a new diplomacy" but ask the one in place to find out the facts. It would then be able to organize "a great deal". This presupposes a conference.

This cannot be based on "exchanges" or barter. These exchanges could themselves only be based on the policy of unifying division.

The conference must acknowledge that the only outcome to the Korean crisis is the exit of the armistice and the suppression of the reunification division of Korea between the two military-political camps.

5- This implies three Treaties;
1- Between Korea
The conference states that:
a- The two Koreas are two sovereign countries and independent of one another.
b- These two countries do not legally form a division.
c. All arrangements for reunification are abandoned and prohibited.
d) The relations of the two Koreas continue cultural ties and develop the well-understood interest of States and civil societies.
e- The two new countries can change their name.
This is not the first time that Korea has divided itself into two independent states.




2- Between the powers
The Allied or Protecting Powers of the two Koreas renounce any device aimed at the reunification of the two Koreas and any policy aimed at hegemony over the other Korea.

3- Denuclearization
a- The denuclearization can be discussed since security is assured to the two Koreas.
b. The two Koreas and the Allied Powers have a solid experience of these discussions.

There will be no other basis for a "great accord" and peace.

Conclusion

As former Australian Prime Minister, Mr. Rudd can take the initiative to present this conference. It may also interest the Australian government in its organization.


Marc SALOMONE


corée 9- 23.09.17, corée, yao lu, kevin rudd, australie,




Paris, le samedi 23 septembre 2017

Partie 1 : Texte français / Partie 2 : English text, Google traduction

En copie :
1- Président de la République française
2- Commission européenne
3- ONU
4- Ambassades : Australie, Corée du Nord (Berne), Corée du Sud, Chine, Européennes, Japon, Russie, USA.
5- Présidents du Parlement et des Groupes parlementaires français


Réflexion sur les déclarations concernant la crise coréenne de M. Yao Lu, enseignant de relations internationales à l’Institut d’administration publique de l’université du Jilin, et de M. Kevin Rudd, ancien Premier Ministre australien.




M. Yao Lu, enseignant de relations internationales à l’Institut d’administration publique de l’université du Jilin, et M. Kevin Rudd, ancien Premier Ministre australien, font des propositions pour résoudre la crise coréenne.

Ces propositions sont intéressantes pour noter les hiatus du discours public sur cette crise car elles rendent visibles les obstacles à la compréhension de la situation et elles conduisent aux impasses que chacun constate.

1- Le Professeur Yao Lu
Le professeur Yao Lu dit dans le journal China Daily que la clé pour la résolution de la question « est dans les mains des États-Unis et de la Corée du Nord ».

Cela revient à se subordonner à la politique spectaculaire de ces deux Etats.

La forme fantasmatique de cette opposition duale et frontale des dirigeants de ces Etats provient de leur incapacité à nommer et à maitriser la question posée.

Leur logique politique ne leur permet ni de poser les bonnes questions ni d’y répondre. C’est pourquoi ils substituent l’injure à l’expression politique.

Le Président des Etats-Unis qualifie de « Rocket-Man » le Président de la Corée du Nord, en retour, ce dernier qualifie le premier de « malade mental ».

Ils ne le font pas parcequ’ils sont idiots mais parceque leur confrontation est due au fonctionnement d’un  système qui leur échappe complètement.

Ils n’iront pas à la « table des négociations » réclamée par M. Yao parceque même avec de la bonne volonté ils n’auraient rien à se dire. Ils ne peuvent que reproduire à l’infini ce combat de coq nucléaire.

Cette bataille verbale est la preuve que leur retard politique sur les faits leur interdit d’être décisionnaires dans leurs propres responsabilités.

Le professeur Yao conseille en fait de rester dans la stupeur et le tremblement de ce spectacle.

2- M. Kevin Rudd
M. Kevin Rudd propose un « accord international signé avec la Russie et la Chine qui garantisse la sécurité de la Corée du Nord et de son régime et, à long terme, un retrait militaire des Américains de la Corée du Sud ».

Il repère trois scénarii possibles :
a- « Le premier, qui a cours à Pékin et à Pyongyang, est qu’un jour ou l’autre les Américains devront accepter la réalité, fût-elle indésirable, à savoir que la Corée est une puissance nucléaire complètement fonctionnelle. »
b- Vitrification de la Corée du Nord
c- « Le troisième scénario passe par la dénucléarisation de la Corée du Nord, mais il exige que les Etats-Unis reconnaissent la raison d’Etat de la Chine et la Corée du Nord. Il faudrait une nouvelle diplomatie et un grand accord. En échange du démantèlement... »

Dans les trois cas, pour M. Rudd le seul point de vue qui compte est celui des Etats-Unis. Ils acceptent, ils anéantissent, ils reconnaissent.

Cet assujettissent à une puissance qui démontre en permanence qu’elle n’est pas maitresse du jeu mais qu’elle n’en est qu’un des pions est le point commun de toutes les interventions des gouvernements concernés et la raison pour laquelle le débat est bloqué.

Cet hommage féodal rendu à la première puissance mondiale produit sa propre ligne politique. Celle-ci construit l’impasse diplomatique puis l’ouverture à la menace de guerre et à la politique de « destruction totale ».

3- L’armistice
Les Etats-Unis sont impuissants car ils agissent au titre de rouage d’un dispositif qu’ils maitrisaient il y a cinquante ans et qui aujourd’hui les manipule.

Les acteurs sont soulevés et retournés comme des crêpes par l’armistice de Panmunjeom, le 27 juillet 1953.

Cet armistice organise un processus de division et de réunification dont les acteurs ont perdu le contrôle. L’armement atomique de la Corée du Nord témoigne de l’obsolescence de ce dispositif.

Cet armistice assignait à résidence territoriale les deux armées politiques. Longtemps, les deux Etats coréens ont été les marionnettes de ces armées politiques.

Cette division avait pour corollaire la réunification de la Corée au profit d’un camp. C’est la raison pour laquelle la Corée du Sud n’a pas signé le document de l’armistice.

C’est cette division réunificatrice de deux camps militaro-politiques évoluant sous les apparences de deux Etats qui entre en crise.



L’armement atomique de la Corée du Nord existe d’abord en raison de cette perspective de réunification laquelle n’est possible que si les deux Etats, ou pseudo-Etats, sont conçus comme les produits d’une division d’un même Etat originel.

En se mettant en avant au titre de protecteur de la Corée du Sud, les Etats-Unis s’inscrivent dans cette division réunificatrice. Ils en sont paralysés.

Par conséquent, à part « détruire totalement » la Corée du Nord, les Etats-Unis ne peuvent rien faire que des phrases face à une nouveauté qui dérègle cette mécanique.

4- La conférence
Le point de vue virtuel que doit prendre M. Rudd pour que ses propositions deviennent crédibles et efficaces n’est donc pas celui des Etats-Unis mais celui de tous les Etats, autrement dit celui de l’ONU.

Il ne faut pas inventer « une nouvelle diplomatie » mais demander à celle en place de constater les faits. Elle serait alors capable d’organiser « un grand accord ». Ceci suppose une conférence.

Celle-ci ne peut pas être fondée sur les « échanges » ou trocs. Ces échanges ne pourraient eux-mêmes qu’être fondés sur la politique de division réunificatrice.

La conférence doit prendre acte que la seule issue à la crise coréenne est la sortie de l’armistice et la suppression de la division réunificatrice de la Corée entre les deux camps militaro-politique.

5- Ce qui implique trois Traités ;
1- Entre les Corées
La conférence établit que :
a- Les deux Corées sont deux pays souverains et indépendants l’un de l’autre.
b- Ces deux pays ne procèdent pas juridiquement d’une division.
c- Toutes les dispositions prises pour la réunification sont abandonnées et interdites.
d- Les relations des deux Corées continuent les liens culturels et développent l’intérêt bien compris des Etats et des sociétés civiles.
e- Les deux nouveaux pays peuvent changer de nom.
f- Ce n’est pas la première fois que la Corée se divise un certain temps en deux Etats indépendants.

2- Entre les puissances
Les puissances alliées ou protectrices des deux Corées renoncent à tout dispositif visant à la réunification des deux Corées et à toute politique visant à l’hégémonie sur l’autre Corée.

3- La dénucléarisation
a- La dénucléarisation peut être discutée puisque la sureté est assurée aux deux Corées.
b- Les deux Corées ainsi que les puissances alliées ont une solide expérience de ces discussions.

Il n’y a aura pas d’autre fondement d’un « grand accord » et de la Paix.

Conclusion

Au titre d’ancien Premier Ministre australien, M. Rudd peut prendre l’initiative de présenter cette conférence. Il peut aussi intéresser le gouvernement australien à son organisation.


Marc SALOMONE




mercredi, septembre 20, 2017

korea 8- 20.09.17, Korea, gutterez, trump, UN, USA, armistice, reunification, war, politics



Paris, Wednesday 20 September 2017

Part 1: French text / Part 2: English text, Google translation

Copy :
1- President of the French Republic
2- European Commission
3- UN
4- Embassies: North Korea (Berne), South Korea, China, European, Japan, Russia, USA.

5- Presidents of Parliament and French Parliamentary Groups


Reflection on the statements of UN Secretary-General António Guterres and US President Donald Trump at the UN session of 19 September 2017.




On September 19, 2017 at the United Nations headquarters in New York, US President Donald Trump gave the United States' view on the Korean crisis.

The guiding formula of his speech is:
"No nation on earth has any interest in seeing this band of criminals arm themselves in this way. The US is very strong and patient, but if they are forced to defend themselves or their allies, we will have no choice but to totally destroy North Korea. "

Like all statesmen, Mr. Trump said the essential in a few words.

The policy of confrontation between North Korea and the United States can only lead to total war and "total destruction".

The so-called "diplomatic and political solution" policy proposes nothing other than to postpone the military shock.
The difference between the two policies is simply that one wants a capitulation of North Korea and the other expects a renunciation.

The evolution of these two policies is contingent on North Korea's intransigence on its political objectives and the means to achieve it.

The reality principle will sweep away intermediate solutions and impose a meeting of the states concerned around the contradictions of the military solution.

The war will then shift from an altercation between the United States and North Korea towards a confrontation between the United States and its allies on the one hand and China and Russia on the other.

The impasse is therefore complete between:
1- North Korea, which is locked in a confrontation with the United States,
2- China and Russia, which can not accept either this provocative policy or the destruction of the North Korean regime,
3- The United States and its allies who can not accept to be attacked anyway.

Whatever the illusions of each other, this impasse will really lead to the launch of the excessive ballistic missile and therefore to the war of destruction and consequently to the confrontation between the great powers and also, which is often neglected, between the South and North.

The incantatory imprecations of a part of the press will not change anything.

This is because the protagonists refuse to conform their analyzes to the facts and thus bring the right answers to the right questions.

A realistic analysis of the facts would be in line with the statement of UN Secretary-General António Guterres that a "political solution" is the only democratic way to the Korean crisis

In this case, the use of force would be the force of law and nuclear would emerge from the debate.

Realism would make it necessary to note that the present object of North Korea's action is not a dispute with the United States but the attainment of the recognition and security of its own State.

What they do not measure is that this implies the creation of two Korean states in this case.
Contrary to evidence, the two current Korean states are virtual states. They are not States as of right in their territories and in their Korean relations.

The current North Korea and South Korea are only the state figures, the masks, of the only international realities that were created on 27 July 1953 by the Armistice of Panmunjeom.

What was created then is the assignment of the two military-political camps to the leadership of two areas sharing the territory of Korea.

It is these military-political camps that have become a state and manipulate their functioning at their convenience.

This territorial assignment resulted in a political assignment to successful reunification.

This reunification so permeates the constitution of the two zones that the so-called South Korea did not sign the Armistice. It therefore already considered that division was only a temporary passage towards reunification.

By means of atomic weapons, the so-called North Korea zone manages this policy of reunification to prevent it from being done to its detriment.

There is therefore no solution by the infinite repetition of the consequences of the armistice of Panmunjeom, which are division and reunification.

It is precisely in this logic of the armistice, of division and of reunification, that the supporters of military action are established as supporters of the diplomatic solution by asking one of the two camps to capitulate or to fall its guard.

Now, the armistice is precisely the product of the impossibility for one side to bend the other.

The more they develop their maneuvers to achieve it, the more they will fall into this duality and strengthen the absolutist resolution of North Korea.

Political withdrawal from the armistice of Panmunjeom is therefore necessary.

For this it is necessary, by Treaties:

A- Korea
1- To create two sovereign states in place of the two camps which have acquired the status of a state without actually being so.
2- End the policy of reunification.
3- The 38th parallel becomes a frontier and ceases to be the place of arrival of the last war and the place of departure of the next.

B- The Allies
The two allied networks of the new Korean states renounce the hegemony of the alliance opposite.

C- The atom
a- Both Koreas already have extensive experience in the legal process of controlling atomic weapons.
b- The establishment of the ad hoc control of the military atom in favor of the civilian atom can be resumed since the security of the two new states is assured.

At that moment, the use of force may become law.


Marc SALOMONE