vendredi, avril 12, 2024

12.04.24; Defontaines, European elections, social, societal,

Marc Salomone/ marcsalomone@sfr.fr / blog: madic50 / Book: The two forms


REFLECTION ON THE PERFORMANCE OF LÉON DEFFONTAINES, HEAD OF THE LIST OF THE FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY IN THE EUROPEAN ELECTIONS OF JUNE 9, 2024.


The performance of the leader of the communist list at the European elections, Léon Deffontaines, is well defined by him during his presentation.

He says that the time is for the “societal” (sex, women, religion, etc.) and that he wants to return to the “social” (production, workers).

This declaration is one of the keys to the originality and defeat of the French Communist Party.

I stick to him but the Chinese Communist Party, for example, has the same difficulties.

The CGT executives, here and there, spontaneously take up this opposition and this placement in it.

Deffontaines thinks that he is building an opposition and that he is occupying one pole against another.

This is only partially true.

At a time, now bygone, the communists could privilege, to the point of exclusivity, the "production", "social" component of the public ideology which they themselves say is dual (societal and social) .

It worked again in May 68 in the face of the so-called student or leftist Maidan operation.

In 1981, when its common program was the official basis of the left, the PCF lost because the French also wanted to “dream”.

This pseudo dream was no longer that of the “social” of “property”, of the “revolution”, but that of the “societal”, of sex, feminism, religions, races, time to live, etc.

The societal discourse had become the national reference when the social discourse allowed itself to be marginalized.

It remains for Deffontaines to believe that he will rally up to 5% of “social” voters by uniting them against the supporters of the “societal” (from the PS to the macronie).

For the moment, it would not reach the 3% which allows the reimbursement of campaign costs.

It is reasonable to think that he fell in the polls from 5% to 2% precisely because of this selectivity in his positioning.

He ends up with a pretty weak “social” program. A bit of angry socialism and a call for a return to anti-feudal jacqueries; when he says regarding the rich “we have the addresses”.

He does not mention any European communist or democratic connections.

Amiens is certainly a beautiful city and its inhabitants are beautiful people, but it is no match for a European election.

Between Glucksmann who says “When I go to New York or Berlin, I feel more at home, a priori, culturally, than when I go to Picardy” and Deffontaines who places Amien at the center of the world, what difference?

Regarding the European Treaties, it was Glucksmann who denounced the key principle of “free and undistorted competition”.

Deffontaines sticks to an avalanche of denunciation of its effects. Like any right or left politician during the campaign.

He remains a follower in societal evocations.

Concerning women, he considers the constitutionalization of the Veil law as a revolutionary advance while it repeats an achievement by repeating its weaknesses, namely the institutional subordination of women to men.

Faced with war, he took up Mélenchon's cry (peace, peace, peace!) while obligingly defending the Ukrainian position. The very one that caused the war.

In short, he doesn't innovate anywhere, he doesn't stand out from anyone when he deals with a subject,

How would it attract the attention of voters outside of a group of activists and nostalgics?

To take off and pass the two bars of reimbursement (3%) and representation (5%), it needs both:

a- understand that he must walk on his own two legs (social and societal).

b- present on the one hand a more serious, more European, more positive “social” program, other than that of building a bunker.

c- present an innovative “societal” program.

Maman Veil is dead and buried; her skirts too.

Women do not live in anxiety about American decisions.

On the other hand, they would surely appreciate, including in Amiens, that a party offered them the right to occupy half of the seats in all public administrative departments with an option on the private and public-private sectors (such as associations) .

A part of France, even in Amiens, would surely be interested in the evocation of a judicial power which requires a passage through elections.

The Ordinance of 1945, sexual instruction, etc. are debated with passion.

Does Deffontaines have anything to say other than denouncing the far-right devil?

The answer seems to be negative.

Deffontaines himself defined a scope of intervention, the social one. Instead of making it a springboard, he makes it a bunker.

The world passes by and continues on its way without really seeing it.

Deffontaines must therefore reflect on this duality of the public debate in which he takes a blind position and understand that the people of Amiens, among others, will not vote for what has already been voted for but to move forward. .

You just have to trust them and it will be reciprocal.

To begin theoretical reflection and take action, I invite everyone to read “The Two Forms” by Marc Salomone.

Knowing that a political fight is fought by walking.

Thank you for your attention,


Marc SALOMONE


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