Marc Salomone / salomone.marc@neuf.fr / Blog: madic50.blogspot.com (censored) / Book: The two forms, ed. Amazon.
Paris, Wednesday, June 8, 2022
Text of June 7, 2022, on the document relating to the facts of Afghanistan
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1)- Preamble, p2
2)- A legal question, p2
3)- The document, p3
4)- The crucial question is that of legality, p4
Chapter 1: Introduction, p7
5)- The attention of French justice, p7
6)- This is why your daughter is mute!, p7
7)- Fracturing is essential, p8
8)- The international disorder, p10
9)- The absent, p10
10)- Respite, p11
Chapter 2: Criminal Qualifications, 13
11)- The crime against humanity, p13
12)- The war crime, p14
13)- The covenant, p15
14)- Complicity, p16
15)- Continuity, 17
Chapter 3: Three Parts, p21
16)- Qualifying women, p21
17)- The Mujahideen and Tradition, , p22
18)- Communists, p24
Chapter 4- Journalists, p28
19)- Acquiescence, p28
20)- The criminal bias of journalists, p28
21)- Clever managers, p29
22)- Emptiness and fullness, p29
23)- The quality of allies, p29
24)- The inscription, p30
25)- The Code, p30
26)- The Question-Answer or Q-A game, p31
27)- The goal, p32
28)- The base, p32
29)- The cronies; p33
30)- Differentialism, p33
31)- Balance sheet, p34
Chapter 5: The Hierarchy of Norms, p36
32)- A logical principle, p36
33)- Strategic dodging, p36
34)- The relevance of this hierarchy of standards, p 37
35)- The inversion of norms, p38
36)- Invariants, p40
Chapter 6: Functions of the Afghan War, p41
37)- The repetition, p41
38)- The void, p44
Chapter 7: The Law, p47
39)- The publicity of the debate, p47
40)- The correspondence of crimes, p47
41)- Failures, p48
42)- Law, p42
43)- Jurisprudence, p49
44)- Facts, investigations, time, p51
45)- News, p51
46)- Lawyers, p52
Chapter 8: Conclusion, p54
Marc Salomone / salomone.marc@neuf.fr / Blog : madic50.blogspot.com (censored) / Book : The two forms, published by Amazon.
Translation, google translation
The reference text is French
Paris, Wednesday, June 8, 2022
For: the PROSECUTOR OF THE REPUBLIC
Subject: So that the Trial known as of the Living Emmurées is done
Reflection, accompanying a citizen complaint against x, started on October 30, 2021, on a crime against humanity, a war crime and the possible penal responsibilities of French and European, as accomplices of crime against humanity and war crime.
One crime cannot erase another and it is not enough to wash one's hands of it in order to eliminate its penal quality.
"This book is more than useful, it is urgent, I am publishing it" Victor HUGO
1)- Preamble
On December 30, 2021, during a report on Afghan sportswomen refugees in France, a champion cyclist said as a matter of course "We want to show the world that Afghan women are also human beings.
The crime is ongoing and a verbal document tells us that French people have professionally participated in it; at least in 1992.
This reflection on this document is a complaint if it is necessary for legal action.
However:
1- The document whose analysis motivates this complaint establishes that each Afghan woman and their recognized representatives are complainants in their own right and entitled to answer the questions of justice; much more than myself.
2- Justice can take charge of this type of crime in its own right and it can seek out the witnesses and actors.
2)- A questioning of a judicial nature
Indeed, a documentary statement of archaeological value from 2021, to which justice can easily refer, leads to a judicial questioning of the place of certain journalists, notably French, in the definition and implementation of the administrative policy, in Afghanistan, of the armed politico-religious groups, known as Moujahidines, and their outgrowth known as Taliban, participants in the "holy war" (Massoud, April 1992), who took effective power on April 17, 1992.
The question of a judicial nature concerns their participation or complicity:
1- To the crime against humanity that is the denial of the humanity of women by the armed politico-religious movement called Moujahidines, of which the Taliban are an outgrowth.
2- To the war crime that constitutes this fracturing of the two sexes that they present as a necessary annex of the main armed combat that they say is legitimate since they share it.
This document indicates that :
a- Journalists present at the time of the events consider them as a necessary and subordinate part of a military political strategy to which they give their professional support.
b- In 1992, this strategy of fracturing the sexes is the end and the means of this struggle.
c- They use their profession to legitimize to the western public the conquest of these criminals and the supremacy of their criminal administrative policy.
d- Without them, the installation of these criminals and their crime would have been different. They have participated in giving it its capacities of diverse international mobilizations.
I therefore submit to the attention of justice the question of voluntary and conscious complicity in these crimes against humanity and participation in this war crime on the part of these professionals.
By examining a conversation reported by a journalist between Afghan women in Kabul and journalists in 1992:
a- I am not questioning these journalists for being intimately involved with criminals and taking the most diverse means to inform the public of their activities.
This is the ordinary course of their profession.
b- I ask for the examination of their activity as a direct and active complicity with criminals in title.
I remind you that today, the active media participation in the victory of forces whose state functioning would impose the negation of humanity, by organizing the legal inferiority of a population (e.g.: blacks, Arabs, Jews, etc.) would lead these participants to the Court as accomplices.
Why should it be any different with the exclusion of women from humanity and why should complicity with this crime not be retained?
This is exactly the victory that was established on April 17, 1992 and has governed Afghanistan ever since.
The journalists concerned must answer for this complicity and continuity.
The generalist digressions of this text, which are quite formal, have no other purpose than to contextualize the analysis of this document, which remains the only object of this text.
3)- The document
In the week preceding October 22, 2021, on Arte, in the program "28mn", and on another channel, on the occasion of the presentation of his book "Enfant de salaud", the journalist Sorj Chalandon reports a fact preceding the fall of the Kabul government in April 1992.
In this testimony, it is half of the human population that challenges the other half; that is to say all of humanity.
This document is an actual qualification of this construction and the distribution of its parts.
It shows the actors, the authors, the accomplices, of this confrontation.
1- Women
2- The Mujahideen armed parties and their political camp.
3- Western journalists taking part in this debate and their chosen and assumed political camp.
4- The government which is the bulwark of the unity of the sexes and the primary aim of the criminal fracturing of humanity.
The testimony as it is said by the journalist is very short and I report it from memory because the author refused to give me his story in writing.
I got the logic.
1- He is in Kabul, with the population and colleagues are present at his side.
Everyone sees on the hills the campfires of the Mujahideen waiting for the moment of the assault.
2- Journalists discuss with Afghan women.
3- These tell journalists "Why are you handing us over to these people?" We are free and we have the right to remain so. Why do you support them? ".
4- The journalists present respond: "It's for the anti-communist struggle. You can't understand."
Precision :
a- This is the first time I've heard this story but it's probably not the first time it's been said.
b- the journalist concerned can report these facts himself in all their precision and complete them.
c- he can cite the participants who can also take part in the testimony.
d- all these people are alive and in full possession of their faculties.
e-justice can find women and journalists.
This cited document is a crucial part of the file.
The following text is a reflection on this document.
Apart from a few generalities of presentation, I have endeavored never to go beyond the limits imposed by this document.
It is up to justice to go further.
This document is like the tabs on which people over 50 place a tiny part of their excrement and send it to the National Cancer Institute for colorectal cancer risk screening.
The documentary instrument seems derisory and puts off the ignorant.
The analysis to which it leads allows professionals to guarantee or restore the balance of the body in time before the metastases have irreparably gangrenous it.
The role of this reflection is simply to transmit this tongue.
4)- The crucial question is that of legality
By asking journalists the innocent question of their relationship to women and to the Mujahideen, women establish a criterion of legality.
The journalists respond by stating what seems to them to be more than obvious, a banality: since they are anti-Communists, they are on the side of the mujahideen.
Is it legal?
Is it legal to support an armed insurrection, to be part of it by subjecting the exercise of one's media profession to it when:
a- it no longer has a crucial reason to do battle, due to the departure of the (Soviet) foreigners whose presence was the public reason for this support?
b- the government in place proposes the composition of a government of national unity?
It should be noted that American and English foreigners, equally disbelievers and foreigners, are present, that Pakistan has long been a military player in the Afghan chaos.
The response from journalists is to say that there is no concession to be made with this government.
What is the legality of this response which involves full participation in a civil war?
So what is the legality of the position, presence, activity, of journalists?
They have no real political option but to aim to substitute the Mujahideen for the communists in forming the government.
Fine, but who are these people, their military allies?
Their only certain administrative policy is the fracturing of the sexes, in other words the crime against humanity.
How is it legal to fight a legal government that you don't like but that reaches out to its enemies, for the benefit of criminals that you formally claim to only support because they carry out your proclaimed will to overthrow the government in place?
How is it legal to participate in the enslavement of half the population by supporting the partisans of this slavery when the formally credible motive of your alliance with them (namely the fight against such foreign occupation among others) no longer running?
Do women have to pay for the intellectual sclerosis of journalists, their inability to recompose their ideas according to changing reality?
Today, in France, the police are summoned to assess, in action against direct aggressors, the moment when they are in self-defense and the moment after when they cease to be so, the moment when they can shoot on sight and when they have to restrict their shooting.
Why shouldn't French and European journalists be summoned to respond when they can take advantage of a fight that would be legally legitimate and when this legality is no longer or ready for discussion?
The leitmotif of communist monstrosity no longer works when the humanist reference is the enslavement of women, the other half of humanity.
In this exchange, the women establish that the participants do not only have to account for their ideas, their bravery, their victory.
They also have to account for the legality of their action.
Even before being criminal, the journalist's approach is presumed to be illegal.
They want to forget this illegality in their participation in a victorious criminality.
This is the current argument of the Taliban. Their policy will be recognized because they are the winners.
It is precisely these complex relationships between rights and victory that are questioned by these women.
They take sides for the rule of law and journalists for the justification of crime by victory.
The facts on all sides indicate that this equality debate has only one place where it can take place; the tribunal.
Chapter 1: Introduction
5)- The attention of French justice
Given the magnitude of the tragedy of Afghan women,
Considering the public and political fight they lead to have their rights recognized for humanity,
Given the impossibility for anyone to ignore the particular reality of this crime and this fight,
Considering the strategic interrogation of the governments of the world on what appears to them as a defeat of humanity,
Considering the involvement of the French State in the consequences of this.
Seen, the involvement of various French in the installation of this criminality.
Having regard to the case law of the international jurisdiction of French magistrates.
Having regard to the case law of the International Jurisdiction of European magistrates.
1- It seems appropriate for French justice to question the legal qualifications of this crime and the action of the French and Europeans who participated in its formation, installation and justification.
2- To this end, I am transmitting to justice a documentary reference, produced, in November 2021, by a journalist present at the scene, which establishes both the crime of the criminals and the complicity of the accomplices.
3- The following text is dedicated to the reflection on this document. Judicial qualifications being the sole responsibility of justice.
6)- This is why your daughter is mute!
In 2021, the second victory of the Taliban definitively installs, politically, diplomatically, the legal questioning of the criminality of this camp and even more of its victory.
International state actors themselves demonstrate, through their professional contortions and political farandoles, that judicial qualification is inseparable from their capacity to act with the de facto Afghan authorities installed since August 15, 2021.
Even governments inclined to quickly recognize the government of the Taliban pose as a condition that this criminality be erased by the latter.
a- This erasure is coded by the phrase "inclusive government".
b- It is seen as the sine qua non for the Taliban government to move from a "de facto" government to a "representative" government.
On March 17, 2022, governments go through the UN and its humanitarian provisions to take measures aimed mainly at averting the famine which threatens 55% of Afghans, i.e. 23 million people.
This is so because:
a- no institution occupies the place of justice in the examination of the continuity of the crime against humanity which is the constitutive axis of the Afghan State.
b- Judicial law is an integral part of political actions in Afghanistan by both Afghans and foreigners.
Beginning to say the law is the work of the courts. This is an unavoidable path to Afghanistan's recovery.
This amounts, when the time comes, to summoning all the parties involved to court.
The leaders of the States mastering the force, political, military, media, better than the court, all the State parties are therefore in solidarity to prohibit the judicial examination of the acts of each and thus to make forget the judicial question.
7)- Fracturing is essential
The fact of the fracturing of humanity by the ideological and armed separation of the sexes is no longer a so-called subordinate affirmation. It is no longer the sterile, even partisan, evocation of a folklore of the camp of religious groups.
In 1992 this fact was declared negligible because it was integrated into the common fight of these with the Western party against a third party which was then the government in place.
Today, it is no longer possible to deny that this is the continuing reality of the agenda of those who were programmed from the outset by their allies in the Western camp to be the victors and to impose their known and accepted program. by their allies.
With these words from 1992, women allow us to establish that the politics of gender fracturing ensures passage:
a- April 30, 1992, from the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan to the Islamic State of Afghanistan (proclaimed in 1992 by the Northern Alliance), supported by the Americans.
b- then in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, from 1996 to 2001, led by the Taliban which, in 1996, were supported by the Americans.
c- then from it to the ambivalent and therefore unstable regime under American military occupation (2001-2021)
d- then, since August 15, 2021, in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, again led by the Taliban, prepared in administrative consultation with the Americans, without the knowledge of the official government officially and militarily supported by the Americans.
e- The intertwining of the Afghan administrative policy and the different political stages of this country is total.
There are indeed in 1992 and following, two systems which clash and intersect:
1- Administrative policy based on gender equality.
It is that of the communist government from 1978 to 1992.
2- The administrative policy based on the fracturing of the unity of the sexes and the enslavement of one of them.
This is the policy of the Mujahideen and the Taliban installed in power in 1992 and continuously since.
3- The semi-rupture from 2001 to 2021 is the exception that proves the rule.
a- the Americans are turning against the Taliban for the sole reason of their support for the terrorist activities of bin Laden.
b- to establish their power against the Taliban, they must recognize the crucial role of relations between the two sexes and ally with the communists.
c- the government, which they install militarily and control politically, refuses to ensure the administrative unity of the country by taking over the double function of the communist government of proclaiming the equality of the sexes and liquidating the warlords.
d- the Americans therefore negotiate in secret with the Taliban and bring them back to power to restore an administrative continuity supposed to be the end of the civil war.
e-session, immediately, puts back in place the fracturing of the sexes as the foundation of the administrative policy.
It can not be otherwise.
f- Either, the fracturing of the sexes is recognized as criminal, or, it organizes the unified administration of the country.
g- as the mathematicians say: CQFD.
Breaks or continuities are indeed structured by the status of women. The difference lies only in the coherence, the stability, the private goals, of the leading teams.
1- Before 1992, the government was based on the legal equality of both sexes, their inclusion. It is attacked militarily for this reason by regroupings which are made for this reason.
2- After 1992:
a- The 1992 Northern Alliance is an association of warlords who prioritize civil war as a way of managing national unity.
b- The Taliban of 1996 and 2021 are religious bureaucrats who impose administrative unity as a measure of general public order.
c- The common quality of these two political sequences, their continuity, is this criminalization of women and therefore this criminality of the management teams.
The interlude from 2001 to 2021 is characterized both by elections and by concessions made to women.
1- This equivocal regime is incapable of preventing a return of the pendulum in favor of the Warlords and an administrative disorganization.
2- It is because they are incapable of taking the opposite view of the Mujahideen commitments that the rulers of 2001 are incapable of defeating the Taliban who present themselves as the consistent representatives of their common program on the status of women.
3- It is because they can no longer pay for the financial mismanagement of this feudal anarchy that the Americans seek out the Taliban to curb the anarchism of the warlords and establish administrative unity.
4- This interlude is based on the refusal to name the status of women as being the determining administrative axis of the Afghan socio-economic formation.
a- Without human fracturing, that of the sexes, there is neither Islamic State nor Islamic Emirate.
b- In the absence of this fracturing, there is no mujahideen opposition, including the Taliban, to the legal government of 1992; that of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan
c- The status of women is therefore the common thread of the Afghan civil wars.
d- From 2001 to 2021, by playing hide-and-seek with the status of women, the American military destroyed the capacity of the Afghan democrats who had joined them to present a national administrative policy based on the unity of sexes and not to take up the one based on the fracturing of the sexes.
8)- The international disorder
The fracturing of the sexes has become the place of international discussion of the Afghan question.
1- The Taliban want their doctrine to be gradually accepted by the international community under the blackmail of starvation of their people and through diplomatic attrition.
2- Western democracies also use episodes of this fracturing to impose on the Taliban the delimitation of their sovereign powers.
3- Example
Thus, on March 24, 2022, the Taliban again prohibited access to school for young girls.
Le Parisien with AFP reports the following information
March 25, 2022 at 8:37 a.m., modified on March 25, 2022 at 10:35 p.m.
“The United States announced on Friday that it was canceling talks with the Taliban in Doha, Qatar, over their decision to ban Afghan girls from secondary school. “We have made it clear that we see this decision as a potential turning point in our engagement,” said Jalina Porter, a spokeswoman for the US State Department.
France, Italy, Norway, the United States, Canada and Great Britain, as well as the High Representative of the European Union (EU) have also stepped up to the plate.
These six Western countries, as well as the EU, had called on the Taliban on Thursday to "urgently reverse" the decision to ban secondary schools for girls, in a joint statement.
They warned that this choice would have "consequences far beyond its harm to Afghan girls", and could damage Afghanistan's ambition "to become a respected member of the community of nations". »
4- The Asian countries, including China, take note of the recall by Westerners of the Taliban and the administrative policy based on the fracturing of the sexes.
They nevertheless retain the need for an "inclusive" policy. That is to say the end of the fracturing of the sexes which passes through the legal recognition of its criminality.
9)- The absent
Whether in domestic or international reporting, the crux of the Afghan organization is that:
1- The status of women is the determining element of all the political, administrative, economic, legal and societal considerations of the Afghan community.
2- The various political structures want since the beginning of the civil war to circumvent the question of its nomination and the legal qualification of the attacks on humanity of the two sexes.
a- the communist government responded with war against its enemies.
b- the two camps (Western and Islamist), whose responsibilities are distinct, base their policies on the same lack of nominative and judicial qualification of the fracturing of the sexes.
3- On the one hand, we recognize, on both sides, the discriminatory character in law of the fracturing of the sexes and on the other hand, we refuse to name it and to qualify it in law.
10)- Respite
In 2021, this curettage of all the democratic components of Afghanistan, this involvement of the victorious Western forces in their own eviction, eliminates political primacy.
Only the fracturing of the sexes and the enslavement of women remain.
Paradoxically, this sanitization of the political and military space for the sole benefit of religious obscurantism leaves room for law.
1- The ambiguities
The ambiguities between law and politics are no longer tenable.
On the one hand, the law can no longer be the legal gadget of political invective.
On the other hand, the Taliban's second victory, on August 15, 2021, made it clear and legally qualifiable that the fate of Afghan women is a crime against humanity.
Today, for some time, neither the UN nor the governments want to recognize the Taliban government precisely because of this Crime against humanity.
Even during the Oslo talks to settle the famine problem, the Norwegian government stressed that the Oslo talks did not constitute recognition of a de facto government.
The UN Security Council agreement of March 17, 2022 officially highlights the absence of the law.
International discussions with the Taliban have a humanitarian function and do not constitute " not legitimization or recognition ", but that, in the face of the humanitarian emergency, it is necessary to " speak to the authorities who de facto run the country ".
A sprint race is engaged between:
a- those who bet on time to embed this policy of human fracturing in the UN.
b- those who want this respite to be used to calmly examine the legal issues raised by this adventure which now concerns the entire international community.
2- Serenity
An obstacle encountered by international justice or by the exercise of universal jurisdiction by States is to appear as the justice of the victors.
True or false, it doesn't matter in this case. Here, this is not the case.
A- The fighters
a- The Mujahideen and then the Taliban are successively victorious, defeated and, on August 15, 2021, definitively victorious.
b- Western journalists are on the strong side. Even in Afghanistan today, they are protected by their Western status.
c- The States associated with the armed religious political forces, in particular, England, Canada, the United States, NATO, various countries of the European Union (EU), are by definition, still at the present time , the dominant states of the world.
d- For all these camps, victories and defeats are only episodes of a dominant continuity.
e- The communists are the only defeated fighters.
They were also the sole supporters of women's freedom and equality.
B- The fought ones
Women are the only victims and the only vanquished.
C- Conclusion
1- Justice is therefore addressed to persons and institutions which have all the faculties to respond to it as of right whatever their place in the judicial process.
2- This would be an important step in the establishment of an impartial international judicial procedure.
Chapter 2: Criminal Qualifications
Let us see the general criminal qualifications that are at work.
It is up to the judge to pronounce their specificity.
11)- The crime against humanity
Article 7 of the Rome Statute defines a crime against humanity as an act "committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack".
That gender splitting qualifies as a crime against humanity can be held by:
1- Quality:
It is indeed a question of organizing all the administrative policy of a State with a view to denying the humanity of one of the two constituent parts of the population, in practice and in laws, and that to the point of blood.
The Taliban protect women like the Nazis protected the Jewish, Soviet, European and African peoples.
It is a fracturing of humanity classifiable in the politics of apartheid, colonialism, slavery, legal and public enslavement.
On December 22, 2021, Mrs. Ghékéba Hachémi, diplomat and President of the NGO: "Free Afghanistan" speaks of "20 million women who are immured alive".
She calls the women "the walled in."
To set as a program to "wall alive" 20M women as one of the two constituent parts of the population of a country, and what is more to carry it out, is a crime against humanity.
2- Repetition
This crime is not committed during a fight. He is the intangible principle of this fight.
It is common and constant among all the armed religious political groups concerned.
It continues in 1992, when all these groups take power. It repeated itself in 1996; when the specific Taliban group gains power over the others and in 2021 when it regains power over the semi-secular government.
3- Perseverance
This crime is ongoing.
This crime is common to all armed political and religious groups that overthrew the Afghan civilian government in 1992 and 2021.
It appears and reappears each time they take power.
It was installed in 1992, taken over in 1996 and in 2021.
It is consubstantial with the politics of these groups.
It is the governing totality of their policies. It is through it that they think of all their public and state activities in any field whatsoever.
4- International de facto qualification.
a- Everyone has seen that in the eyes of the UN and the international community, this second victory is no longer just a local regression.
b- Because of this exclusion of women from humanity, it has political, moral and legal consequences for the world. She is strategic. The UN has taken note of this.
c- All the governments have considered that the constitutional principle of the Taliban is a challenge to the international community and its rights.
d- It is not only the defeat of a state, a government, a party, a people, it is the human organization that is affected.
e- The crime against women is the diplomatic reason invoked to block the international aid on which Afghanistan lives and which alone can prevent famine.
f- It is impossible to deny the permanent and original institutional character of this criminality as soon as any of these armed religious political groups settles, whether for the benefit of feudal lords or religious administrators.
g- It is impossible to imagine that global public action will be able to be established on the sole declaration of fact of the evidence of the criminal nature of this action without qualifying it legally by judicial means.
h- The refusal of qualification becomes a voluntary complicity.
12)- The war crime
In their response to these women, the journalists establish that they consider that this criminality, which in Afghanistan is consubstantial with the quality of Mujahideen, as an organization, is essential for them to overthrow, by means of media work, the legal government that came to fight alongside soldiers.
They declare themselves mutually engaged and the alliance with these criminals is essential to their victory.
The purpose of this is precisely to give power to these Mujahideen so that they can impose their policy as the basis of all their public administrative organization.
Sexist oppression, far from being a circumstantial accompaniment to this war, is on the contrary the decisive policy of eradicating any individual, local, circumstantial possibility of a return to the policy of the legal government formed by communists.
The administrative policy of the communist government is also based on a policy of the relationship between the two sexes, but in this case it establishes their equality.
However, he keeps the debate on the political and military field and not legal.
For the Mujahideen, the fracturing of the sexes is with the social instruments of war, such as feudalism, one of the two components of their instruments of war.
It is the enslavement of women that guarantees the administrative continuity of their military camp, its formation, its unity, its rallyings, its goals.
In 1992, three years after the departure of the Soviet troops and after the proposal to form a government of national unity formulated by the Head of Government, the overthrow of this government had the sole purpose of giving power to the Mujahideen and their administrative policy based on a crime against humanity.
By allying with people who use the oppression of women as a means and an end to war; journalists voluntarily participate in the formation in the war of a pact aimed at the criminal use of civilian populations as the administrative logic of military assembly with the aim of imposing this crime of fracking as the administrative logic of victory.
This exclusive military organization of one sex has the primary function of imposing the enslavement of the other.
War has another main function than defeating the enemy army.
It is the means of a cultural revolution organizing the fracturing of humanity, under the fallacious cover of a tradition.
The fact that an army produces crimes other than those of the battlefield is the definition of a War Crime.
The qualification of war crime is therefore common to the mujahideen and their allies; including those journalists who oppose their alliance with the criminals to the arguments of these women.
13)- The alliance
This alliance is neither fortuitous nor ingenuous.
Indeed, the place of major conflict between Afghans (first between the communist government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the myriad of opponents gathered under the title of Islamic State of Afghanistan then between them and the Taliban claiming an Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan), immediately turned to the question of the status of women.
The basis of the alliance of Western journalists and Afghan opponents was the former's acceptance of the dictatorship of men over women.
It is from this dogma that all other political questions, such as the various forms of property, or the aims of war and politics, were discussed.
According to them, the victory against a regime which guarantees the legal equality of both sexes (and what this implies concerning education, professions, care, management, in short, the democratic qualification of the regime) required ally with these criminal sects.
They took advantage of it. They bear the legal responsibility.
We are there in defining the policy of "war crime".
To achieve an obviously laudable objective since it is their own, the combatants arrogate to themselves the right to dispose inconsiderately of certain civilian populations or of any other entities not intervening in military matters.
Westerners have this policy of war crimes because they accept the policy of crimes against humanity of their allies.
In this case, in this fragment of discussion with women, the media supporters of this strategy, the journalists present at the time of the events, are led to publicly take sides for the suppression of women's human rights, universal and particular, as a matter of principle. and technically, for the sole reason of the usefulness of this denial of the humanity of women as a condition for the participation of religious executioners in the common fight of which these journalists claim to be the mediums, the smugglers.
To fight the "communist" government, the journalists present participate in their place, in the media sector which is theirs, in the development of a policy which arms military-religious political parties whose primary and declared aim is the crime against the 'humanity.
They argue for another superior fight to let a fight that they present as secondary unfold freely.
However, the victory of the Taliban in 2021 reminds us that the fight to disqualify women was not only first but that it was even the foundation of all the others.
It is because the fight to disqualify women was decisive for some and acceptable to others that no compromise could be reached with the communist government (based on women's freedom) to prolong and redefine the democratic fight.
In this discussion, the women remind them that they know it.
So they can't say they don't know.
In this conversation with Afghan women, the journalists present establish their association by a war crime with the crime against humanity of the Taliban. They sign their criminality in this conversation.
14)- Complicity
This testimony depicts the participation of these journalists in a policy of human separation against the state policy of unity of the two sexes led by the legal government of the moment.
They do so in the name of a common fight with the criminals which would justify letting the latter commit their crimes without calling into question their political and fighting unity with them; each with their weapons.
To justify themselves, they need only deny the criminal character of the separation of the sexes. They make it a special culture just as respectable as any other.
Otherwise, they would have to be considered as participating in at least one war crime.
The war crime being these illegitimate aggressions adjacent to a declared military combat.
On the one hand, denial does not alter reality.
On the other hand, this war crime does not affect only a part of the population but one of the two constituent parts of humanity to which precisely one denies his humanity.
It doesn't just hurt people. It destabilizes humanity.
They are therefore actively involved in a war crime and complicit in a crime against humanity.
In 1992, they cannot argue that it was impossible to discuss with the regime in place.
a- The women ask them precisely why they do not want to do it when this regime is the only guarantee of women's rights.
b- Moreover, at that time, this regime invited all the parties to a national discussion.
c- When one acts alongside feudal slaveholders and segregationists, or religious slaughterers, one cannot claim to refuse to discuss with everyone.
In 1992, the religious armed groups that besiege Kabul from the hills, those of which the women and the journalist quoted speak, have in common the acceptance of the program of disqualification of the humanity of women.
For some, it is a government program.
For others, it's an alliance program.
The journalists oppose to the women their refusal to discuss with a legal government which proposes the dialogue to claim an alliance with mujahideen who refuse to discuss with the women.
In 2022, the policy of the States is precisely to discuss with the Taliban under the title of "talking to the authorities who de facto run the country" (Norway) and to pursue "a lucid diplomacy with the Taliban [dictated by] our constant interest for a Stable, rights-respecting and inclusive Afghanistan" (USA).
What can be done with women's enemies could be done with their friends.
It is in the use of crimes against humanity for strategic purposes (military and political) and in tactical war crimes that these journalists have participated.
15)- Continuity
These actors in the crime of enslavement of the other half of humanity cannot argue the absence of the supremacy of the Taliban organization at that time and its installation in Kabul in 1996.
Indeed, the women of 1992, by their interpellation of the journalists present, clearly and distinctly establish that the stake of the fight of 1992, is identical to that of the Taliban in 1996 and in 2021.
1- The unity of the jihadists
a- The competing groups of the Taliban are those targeted by the testimony of these women.
The proclaimed logic of their armed action against the legal government is precisely the refusal of human unity, that of the two sexes, and the will to impose the fracturing of human unity.
This is the basis of their opposition to the government and their refusal of any agreement with it.
It is the common base of all the Mujahideen and the Taliban.
2- The distinction of jihadists
a- The non-Taliban
They are structured in tribal fractions led by Warlords who are tearing each other apart.
b- The Taliban
They are the group that will best exploit the flaws of these alter egos to assert its power in the name of administrative unity and civil peace.
3- In 1996, the Taliban completed (in particularly atrocious public conditions) the physical elimination of communist statesmen and they imposed under their authority the administrative unity of these religious parties mired in their mafia-like civil and tribal wars.
4- Their difference does not come from the democratism of some and the authoritarianism of others.
It is the administrative flaws, the incapacities, of the mujahideen that will leave the passage to the Taliban and not a programmatic distinction on the crucial question of the relations of the two sexes.
One subordinates administrative politics to the ends of military castes (to warlord feuds) while the other uses war for the purpose of administrative unity (with sharia as the administrative code; just like the mujahideen)
In any case, the foundation of the population management policy is the walling in of women.
In fact, none of these groups ever gives up and no stability is possible.
The nexus of all this instability, which allows the continuity of the Afghan administration of the Mujahideen and the Taliban is precisely this crime against humanity.
It is precisely the inability of the regime installed by the Americans, in 2001, to break with the primacy of the fracturing of the sexes as the decisive support of administrative policy that leads to the recall of the Taliban by the Americans, in 2021, to administratively pacify the country.
The American authorities cannot ignore that the administrative policy of the Taliban, like the Mujahideen, is this particular crime against humanity.
That's why they haven't stopped trying to distance themselves verbally ever since.
But the only way to distinguish oneself from this crime is to recognize it and judge it.
This carries the risk of being incriminated oneself.
5- the flashback
An African and Muslim women's rights activist who fights female circumcision in England, gives an idea of the historical relationship between 1992 and 2021.
She explains that she had forgotten her excision. The day of her delivery, the pains were excruciating and the excision undergone at the age of 7 came back to her in full memory. She calls it a "flashback."
Since then, she has been fighting.
The return of the Taliban, prepared in concert with the occupying American authorities, provoked in this journalist the "flashback" of this crucial conversation of 1992.
Time has changed absolutely nothing in the administrative logic. It is strictly the same.
It was in 1992 that the administrative policy for 2021 was defined.
6- The shared program
There is therefore perfect continuity between today's Taliban and the jihadists of 1992 on this subject.
From 1992 to 2021, it's always the same crime.
What has changed is precisely the victory of the alliance of the Western party and the jihadist party.
The militants of the Western camp, the journalists in particular, tried to make believe that the Mujahideen, including the Taliban, had not respected their commitments.
The conversation reported by this journalist indicates that there was never any ambiguity as to the program of the jihadists.
Nor was there any on the side of the Western Party Leadership.
It has always been a question of providing military, diplomatic, media support, perfectly lucid and conscious, to the jihadists so that they seize and exercise power.
Therefore, the jihadists apply their program. They always only had one. The one on the basis of which they were supported by the Westerners.
Journalists know this because women put them up against the wall to choose between them and them, the jihadists.
The criminal concession made by the Western camp and assumed in this conversation by the journalists therefore appears for what it was at the time, a complicity in a war crime coupled with an active complicity with the perpetrators of a crime against the 'humanity.
The inability of politicians to name and deal with crime shows the essential place of magistrates and courts.
Chapter 3: Three Parts
This document features two intervening parties (the women and the journalists) and two tapestry parties (the Mujahideen and the communists).
This chapter is devoted to the presentation of the three parties that support the action of Western journalists.
Another chapter will be devoted to the action of the latter, which is the primary object of this discussion.
This not to discuss the value of each other but what is really done under their title.
16)- Qualifying women
Women are at the initiative of the questioning that seizes governments today as well as the qualifications of criminality and complicity that I submit to justice.
They challenge these journalists by establishing their complicity with the mujahideen in the upcoming establishment of institutional and legal relations between women and men in these places.
It is not just about Afghan women and men because the facts show that everyone in Afghanistan must comply.
They ask them in what capacity they must suffer this defeat and question them on the motivation of their taking sides in favor of the oppressors to come against their present free status.
They do not consider the Western journalists present as spectators. They qualify them as actors.
They consider that there is a continuity between the journalists, their Western military-political references and the Mujahideen.
They tell them: why are you doing this to us?
They establish a link of continuity between the Mujahideen who wait on the hills and whose campfires they see and the journalists who speak to them.
The women tell reporters that the crux of the Afghan civil war is the status of women and not the war against the legal government on the grounds that it is made up of communist ministers.
a- In 1992, the ground for rejection of a foreign army no longer exists for the Mujahideen and journalists since the only remaining foreign military presence is the one they support; Western and Islamist.
b- The status of women is the basis of the relationship between the sexes, between them and in the social organization.
c- He is the determining element of all the political, administrative, economic, legal, societal considerations of the Afghan community organized by this armed religious administrative policy.
These women affirm as self-evident that the legal status of the female sex is of equal value to official war aims and that it obliges journalists to choose sides, including in military conflict.
Speaking thus:
They place journalists before the obligation to take sides for one or the other camp based on the status of women and no longer on their personal political ideas.
They remind journalists that they know that the organizational goal of these people massed on the hills is the negation of the humanity of one of the two constituent parts of the population, the fracturing of society.
They establish that the war between two military-political camps masks another type of confrontation whose equal importance they immediately establish.
These women are not a figment of the imagination but well-known personalities. The same applies to journalists whose presence is mentioned by their quoted colleague.
This quoted journalist knows their names and can give directions for finding these women.
Therefore, neither on the side of the journalists, nor on the side of the women, the participants are scattered strangers.
To establish the judicial point of view on this criminality, the magistrates can research one and the other.
17)- The Mujahideen and Tradition
By Mujahideen I mean the groupings that rejected the national unity government proposed by the legal government in 1988 and came together as the Islamic State in 1992.
I approach them here through the swindle of Tradition which is their coat of arms.
The women put journalists before their responsibilities and summon them to choose between the law, their freedom and the Mujahideen.
In doing so, these women remind us that each of the actors takes sides in modernity. They put an end to the farce of Tradition.
The argument for the acceptance of this crime of human separation by both sides of the crime, Afghan and Western, is the reference to tradition.
Everything that is foreign to European culture amazes Westerners who see in it as many wells of wisdom as openings to Hell.
It's handy for everyone:
1- For criminal Afghans, the reference to tradition guarantees their property, their rights, their inviolability, their impunity.
2- For Westerners, it guarantees their distance, their exteriority to crime and their legal innocence.
The Mujahideen and the Taliban are therefore presented as traditionalists (on the grounds that they claim a fundamentalism, that of the supremacy of the Sharia) and the journalists present their complicity as a respect for Tradition.
This argument, however, is irrelevant.
Populations can be linked to a Tradition.
On the other hand, the Mujahideen and Taliban networks are only linked culturally, by habit, to these cultural references.
These constitute neither their policy, nor their program, nor the reasons for their organizations, their gatherings, nor even their presence.
These intangible constituent elements of their action are forged in current events, modernity, confrontation with the world.
Withdrawal is only the optical effect of the offensive to impose a point of view in the current global debate.
This sharia here is not the result of a pastism, of a residual political habit.
It is a revolutionary and non-conservative program.
It is not a recovery, a return. It is a construct.
This is why this program can adorn itself with sound phrases:
a- on the bright future for Westerners.
b- on identification with the International Brigades of Spain in 1937 and on the Vietcong in the 60s and 70s. It has been forgotten, but these were essential propaganda references.
Indeed, the Mujahideen do not pronounce on the exercise of a tradition by Afghan women.
They decide, as the women in this testimony say, on the historical possibility that is offered to them to be free.
The program of the Mujahideen is not at all backward-looking.
It is an answer to the question posed by the government which bases its action on human unity and which they fight.
The Mujahideen, like their Taliban counterparts, pose the question arising from the practice of communist government: Are both sexes free and equal in rights?
Their answer is: no.
Their action is based on this their answer to this question.
Neither the question nor the answer are those of the Tradition.
They are new and the response is not traditional but separatist and criminal.
It doesn't matter that it draws its logorrhea from an ancestral literary history.
The Mujahideen make it a war crime and a crime against humanity.
The Mujahideen are so little linked to a doctrine of Tradition that they are only incidentally linked to Afghanistan and that only the war against the disbeliever in the name of the enslavement of women brought them together.
From this position, they fought the Soviets and the Americans as well as they continue to kill each other.
In the same way, women do not engage in a discussion on sharia, the sacred texts of this and that.
They note the fact of this confrontation between two camps, that of law and that of crime, and they oblige journalists to join one of the two camps in full knowledge of the facts.
18)- Communists
The Communists have this particularity in this 1992 device that they do not exist on their own.
Their presence does not have in the discussion that relates this document the obviousness that poses the peremptory assertion of the journalists.
Unlike the reports of both sexes, women, Mujahideen and journalists.
A- History
1- The Communists took power on April 27, 1978.
They just had time to form a government and put some measures of their program into practice.
Wikipedia (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parti_d%C3%A9mocratique_populaire_d%27Afghanistan):
“The government is undertaking to reform or abolish certain traditional practices of a feudal nature: forced marriages and dowry are prohibited, the minimum legal age for marriage is raised and school is made compulsory for girls.
Women also obtain the right not to wear the veil, to move freely and to drive.
A project for the legalization of divorce is drafted, but is ultimately not implemented so as not to encourage the insurrection of the Mujahideen.
Very optimistic, the communist leaders hoped to eliminate illiteracy in five years.
In 1988, women made up 40% of doctors and 60% of teachers at Kabul University. »
The two pillars of his policy are "collectivization and literacy, especially for women".
Immediately, the gathering of the Mujahideen took place, the American financing of the rebellions arrived.
2- The intrusion of the Soviet army reduced the debate to that of war, from 1979 to February 1989.
Najibullah, who had just been appointed President of the Republic, was moving further and further away from Marxism-Leninism in favor of a pragmatic nationalism. In 1988, he renamed the PDPA after Watan ("Homeland"). At the end of his mandate, he even plans to entrust the post of Minister of Defense to Commander Massoud.
3- In 1988, the President of the Republic, Najibullah, renamed the Communist Party (PDPA) with the name of Watan (“Fatherland”).
4- In 992, the Afghan government offered the post of Prime Minister to the Tajik Ahmed Chah Massoud; says Commander Massoud.
5- After 2001, under American domination, (https://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2012/08/PARENTI/48065):
a- there are portraits of Najibullah in Kabul, (2012).
b- "There is a class of urban Afghans for whom the central political question has always been: 'No matter the ideology, will I have electricity?' »
These people, who sought to extend Kabul's grip on the countryside, have since the 1920s routinely faced violent opposition.
Their standard was first the constitutional monarchy, then the presidential republic, Soviet-style socialism, finally the ultimate nationalism of Najibullah.
Now they experience the extremely flawed liberal democracy imposed by NATO.
Unsurprisingly, the former Communists are still modernizers, and they are found in the highest positions of what is known as the Afghan government.
It is probably for all these reasons that portraits of "Najib" are still displayed in Kabul: his view of the world, despite all its faults, included electricity. Alas! it cannot be channeled through war.
Christian Parenti / Journalist.
A version of this article originally appeared in The Nation (New York), May 7, 2012.
6- This article from the 2000s presents the public opinion of enlightened Afghan executives and that of French democratic circles.
It is to be observed that this public opinion, as always, as everywhere, moves on a neutral subject; here, electricity is a sign of modernity.
This displacement makes it possible to dodge the observation of the primacy of the question of women in the production of "electricity".
8- The blindness to criminality against women is therefore out of place and rationalized.
It makes it possible to get along with all kinds of schemes provided that they set themselves the objective of producing electricity.
Democracy will come out of it without having to raise angry subjects.
By this blindness the authors prevent themselves from seeing that the only regime that produced electricity is the one that worked with the equality of women.
B- Reflection
1- The prism
As for all political Afghans, the Communists base their action on the question of the relationship between the two sexes, that is to say the question of administrative policy.
a- the Afghan communist government has taken gender equality and women's freedom, and therefore school for all, as the basis of its policy of primacy of public property over feudal private property.
b- The government from 2001 to 2021 will include a process of women's freedom and school democracy. He therefore included the Communists, even at the margins.
c- the enemy camp is formed on the symmetrically opposite approach.
It is on this question that the opposition and the civil war will crystallize.
a- in 1992, the Mujahideen did not refuse the hand extended by the government because of the government's agrarian program.
b- in 1996, the Taliban do not torture the communist ministers for their opposition to the Warlords.
c- they act thus and in this continuity because of the position of the communists in the question of the relations of the two sexes and therefore of the administrative organization of Afghanistan.
It is through the prism of the relations of the two sexes that each Afghan party takes a position.
a- The communists see the installation of the primacy of public property through the equality of the two sexes.
b- Religious and warrior Afghans see the dictatorship of feudal private property through the prism of gender relations.
2- Westerners
Westerners think they can escape the public consequences of this rule because they see the supremacy of private property over public property through the prism of anti-communism and not of gender relations.
It is in the name of anti-communism that journalists, in solidarity with Western war policies, join forces with the determination of the Mujahideen to refuse any compromise with the communist government.
In doing so, they think they are cleared of the criminal policy of their Afghan allies.
The facts will show that this is not the case.
3- The land
In 1992: the Soviet Union no longer exists, the Soviet Army has left Afghanistan, the communist government no longer has a program of radical transformation and it renews its old proposal for the formation of a unity government national.
There is no longer any motive for a military combat and the alliances it has formed.
However, the journalists refuse the hand extended by the government and on the occasion of this conversation renew their presence as a political commitment with the Mujahideen and not the exercise of their profession of information on a terrain of war.
In doing so, their only action becomes the victory of the Mujahideen whose only program is the gender divide.
They therefore publicly subordinate their action to Afghan criminality and place themselves as accomplices of Afghan criminals.
With regard to romantic or so-called humanistic explanations:
a- in 1992, the camp of journalists is allied to the Mujahideen whose women give us the legal qualification.
b- In 2021, the same camp, American in this case, will seek the Taliban without the knowledge of the Afghan government that it is supposed to defend to install it in place of this legal government so that the Taliban can start again the criminality of fracturing the sexes, the only one they conceive and by this method of government putting a pseudo-end to a civil war which they themselves have provoked.
c- the sentences on the brutality of a communist government which bases its action on the humanity of both sexes become inaudible.
Admittedly, journalists are not officially for the Taliban in 2021 as they were for the Mujahideen in 1992.
It's just that they participated in the elimination of the decisive forces in the politics based on gender equality and that the installation of gender fracturing as a state norm soon recognized as an international norm has no longer need them to set up.
4- The two lines
Previously, the Communists barely had time to constitute their government and to lay down its principles.
a- The jihadists supported through Pakistan and the CIA intervene immediately.
b- the ensuing Soviet intervention reduces the debate to war.
The Communists are therefore the formal statement of a question whose development also belongs to the other camp.
a- The government places women in school.
b- Symmetrically, the Mujahideen, then the Taliban, forbid them entry.
This question is the drawing of two lines that everyone dresses as they see fit.
Women reduce these two lines to their simplest expression, namely the structural relationship of the two sexes, the freedom of women, the equality of the sexes.
The facts show that this definition in action of the two lines is indeed that of their structure. Since at least 1978, the entire administrative policy of both camps has been the development of this definition. And it is the whole management of social relations by the two camps which is subordinated to this prism.
The facts show that:
a- one of the lines is the support of legality.
Whether this is respected or not is the ordinary question of the operation of the law.
b- the other is exclusively criminal and the support of various crimes.
Whether these crimes are claimed or not is the confession or the lie specific to any expression of the criminals.
In this confrontation of two lines of state:
a- the Afghan communist government remains the fixed point of gender equality in the face of their fracturing.
b- the journalists are on the other side.
Chapter 4- Journalists
Journalists are certainly related to a camp. But it is established by the women that they act for this camp in their own name.
Possible legal liabilities ensue from this.
They set up all sorts of devices to counter the point of view of women.
The alliance claimed in this conversation between journalists and the mujahideen under a hierarchy of political norms does not come from political necessities invoked previously, the opposition to the presence of a foreign (Soviet) army. This army has been gone for 3 years.
It has current causes, in 1992.
19)- Acquiescence
As the witness gives us to understand ("it's the fight against the communists. You can't understand"), the point of view of the journalists present, is not to deny this link between their media policy and the criminal political struggle of the Mujahideen.
On the contrary, they confirm it, claim it and send women back to their strategic subordination.
They would be incapable of understanding the current grand strategy.
They do not answer that they are going to testify to this fact by their report.
They first confirm the point of view of these women according to which they are politically involved in these fights.
They do not see how the enslavement of these free women and the enslavement of women as a general policy concern them personally or professionally or even how they are a crime.
20)- The criminal bias of journalists
By their response, "you can't understand, it's the fight against communism", these journalists are therefore in no way challenging the women's point of view. They even claim the logic of it.
They confirm their assignment to a camp, that of the Mujahideen and the enslavement of women.
In 1992, journalists may not agree with the government in place.
They can't deny that women tell them that:
1- They are the allies of the Mujahideen who bide their time on the hills.
2- With the government in place, they are free.
3- The only legal consequence of the victory of the Mujahideen will be the enslavement of women.
By choosing to subordinate their action to the fight against the legal government, under the title of "the fight against communism", they voluntarily place themselves in the camp of those who organize the military primacy of one sex over the other.
They therefore decide on their commitment to the fracturing of the sexes.
Their conversation with the women establishes that this engagement is a voluntary act.
21)- Clever Managers
Journalists think they are absolving themselves of any responsibility by ignoring women in discussions about participation in power.
Since they don't talk about it, the problem does not exist. They are therefore not responsible for anything.
Conversely, the Mujahideen include women in a talkative way in the functioning of their power once installed.
They are therefore solely responsible and responsible for everything.
In reality, it is the same responsibility.
Journalists abandon or arrange their news business to lead a political mobilization against "communism".
In doing so:
a- they allow the Mujahideen to present themselves as democrats grappling with the throes of communist totalitarianism.
We can estimate that it is a valid fight. But it is not that of the Mujahideen.
b- They justify in the media the arming of the aforementioned by the United States, the participation of English regiments, Western volunteers and mercenaries, Pakistani forces.
It is a political fight and not an information mission.
22)- Empty and full
In 1992, the ghosts of these pretexts disappeared:
a- the USSR has been gone since 1991.
They can no longer say that they are fighting against a possible return of the Soviet armies.
They are fighting the positive, current program of the communist government.
b- the communist government calls on the parties to form a government of national unity.
This armed anti-communism fight is no more than an empty shell. It appears that the only content of this void is support for the Mujahideen.
The only program of the Mujahideen is gender separatism.
All that remains for Western journalists who recognize themselves in this discussion is to report on this back and forth through which they find themselves pledging allegiance to the Mujahideen and the establishment of a crime against humanity.
23)- The quality of allies
Are journalists allied with the jihadists because they are fooled by their empty phrases?
The immediacy, the permanence, the generality, the continuity, of the crushing of women tells us that no one could believe it.
The conversation with these women assures us that this is not the case.
Journalists can no longer say that they are helping the Mujahideen against a foreign force.
On the other hand, they are in solidarity with the Mujahideen because the latter's program guarantees, in their view, the eradication of the possibility of communist influence.
Women cannot, indeed, "understand", because their enslavement is the cement of this eradication.
24)- Registration
By declaring that the war against the legal regime in place is the pivot of their position, the journalists expressly subscribe to the duality of the strategies of gender fracturing organizing the action of their allies.
Journalists' allies were divided:
a- in civilian cadres, called warlords, (the economy being reduced to war and this one to looting and the administration to the supremacy of such and such a lord)
b- in administrative frameworks, called religious, (the administration being reduced to the purification of women and the economy being subordinated to the dictatorship of this sterile purity).
Their unity rests entirely on the fracturing of the sexes and the declaration of inhumanity or inferiority of women.
The politically communist government was certainly not the only possible government.
This is why, in 1992, at the time of the conversation, he proposed the constitution of a government of national unity.
It is opposed by warlords and clerics because it recognizes gender equality and allows democratic evolution of national unity and economic renewal through the installation of administrative policy on the unity of both sexes.
The fracturing of the sexes is the basis of the common action of the warlords for pluralism and of the centralism of the religious who fight it.
Faced with these women, these journalists can no longer pretend to ignore it.
In this conversation, the journalists use the words of distancing, in fact, they theorize their inclusion in a criminal policy.
25)- The Code
The point of view of the journalists of this scene, the affirmation of the reason for their presence which is a fight, sets in motion the reports of the four protagonists of this debate which is then a war.
The action of journalists is adorned, like others, with an action that they think prestigious, suitable, or at least accepted by the public.
They say, it's the anti-communist struggle.
For them, it is a code of legality, a certificate of good repute.
However, what the women point out to them is that their fight is subordinated to another to which they serve as a stepping stone, which is the fight against women, for the fracturing of humanity. And they know it.
The women point out to them that there is no fight against communism in Afghanistan, but a fight to build its modern administrative policy based on the fracturing of the sexes.
The fight is covered with a tangible pretext which was the presence of the Soviet Army and a symbolic pretext which was the existence of the Soviet Union.
However, in 1992, the Soviet Army left, the USSR no longer exists, the government in place proposed the formation of a government of national unity.
It is strange that journalists do not say we are fighting against some oppressive system but against "communism".
At the time of the exchange, this word is then empty of content.
The confrontation of this word with the questioning of women highlights the emptiness of the content of this word.
In reality, the women point out to them that they are not fighting against communism or any other idea, but against women and for the fracturing of humanity.
Two words stand out from this exchange: communism and women.
It doesn't matter here what everyone puts behind these words. It is their presence and their relationships that concern us.
Journalists oppose the word communism and their anti-communism to the status of women.
The women tell them: you are fighting us.
They say we're here to fight communism,
It is an answer to silence women.
The status of women is covered by anti-communism.
26)- The Question-Answer or Q-R game
Journalists do not tolerate backwards, savages, do not concede local, ancient, antediluvian customs, do not come to the aid of primitive tribes without defenses in the face of modernity and its shocks.
They are allied with forces that share the same conception of modernity as them.
They agree that women have common ground for negotiation.
They develop a Question-Answer (Q-A) system that responds to the situation and allows them to solve the problems it poses to them.
Women are presented in the two allied camps as a secondary issue while they are the organizers of the whole system.
Both live, organize, fight, in the name of the Soviet presence.
Once the Soviet troops are gone, only the skeleton of the Question-Answer remains.
27)- The goal
The journalists, the Westerners, do not seek to fight the Soviets but to give power to the Mujahideen.
They fight the communists not to build an economic and social system but to eliminate solutions.
They do this to build a Q&A game that eliminates the legal government Q&A game forever.
Women are its centerpiece from the start, under cover of respect for local folklore.
This Q&A game is based on the inhuman status of women.
Their aim is not to build a government but to bring to power those who would stifle any possibility of democratic upheaval in Afghan society.
Everyone knows this from the start.
The journalists know that their war in Spain, according to their declared references, is on the side of Franco and that their war in Vietnam is on the side of the Americans.
By saying "the communists" the journalists say that they are not fighting for any formation of responsible government, any democratic construction.
They are only fighting to install the Mujahideen in power.
28)- The base
The program of these people rests entirely on women.
Sharia is just the code name for the enslavement of women.
In the same way that the feudal system is the archaic, negotiable amusement of the struggle of the Mujahideen and the journalists, women are its structuring, modern, enduring element.
The fact of declaring to fight the "communists" exempts them from pronouncing on the women's debate because the enslavement of women is the other name of this fight against what they call communism.
They are not fighting "against communism" but against the legal government which guarantees gender equality which is the nodal point of the Afghan public debate.
Enslaving women does not appear as their program because it is the foundation of it.
For "women" they substitute "communists" to present women's freedom as secondary to the war and its aims.
These goals are nothing more than the overthrow of the women's equality government.
To replace it with the Mujahideen who fight the government because it proclaims the equality of both sexes.
29)- Friends
They both seek to pass women off as secondary when they are the basis of their agreement.
Women do not seem secondary to them in this fight. Their human disqualification is the basis of their agreement.
The Mujahideen treat the question as a personal, religious question, the journalists present it as an anthropological, differentialist question.
For some, not talking about it is a matter of religious law.
For the others, not talking about it is a matter of scientific neutrality and the respect due to people from another civilization.
Through this silence and mutual respect for the farce of Tradition, the two parties recognize each other, momentarily, as equals. This only applies to men of course.
Thus, the enslavement of women becomes the basis of an anti-colonial or post-colonial discourse.
They agree on communism because they agree on the inferiority of women.
Journalists do not respond to women because they agree with the mujahideen that women have nothing to say to men about what they are going through.
Their word has no special meaning.
They are objects, the property of their masters, a ground for negotiation with the Mujahideen.
Westerners leave women to them,
In return, they ensure the impossibility of the return of the Communists, through the crime of fracturing the sexes, of human unity.
Their enslavement is not collateral damage but the subject of debate and combat.
30)- Differentialism
Each part of the alliance retains its justifying quant-à-soi. Some refer to religion, others to differentialism.
What appeared as one of the provisions of the so-called local corpus or ancestral rites has become the central logic, the spinal column, the physiology, of the whole system.
We find the same mechanism of alliance in the journalistic treatment of the beheading of Professor Samuel Paty by the Chechen Abdoullakh Anzorov.
A documentary has been built to explain that this gesture is a crime in France that belongs to Western civilization.
On the other hand, in Chechnya it would be part of a legitimate ideology guaranteeing the enslavement of women as the basis for the impossibility of a return to Sovietism.
This is the case for those who want to develop their doctrine, to sand down society.
Dual hierarchy
1- Supremacy of war over women
2- Supremacy of men over women.
This makes it possible to saturate the terrain to prohibit the development of democracy, including when the question of women is relegated to the rank of domestic, customary, apolitical affairs.
They establish a hierarchy: war/women
For, they accept and justify a hierarchy: Men/women.
This is resolved in the term "communist" which means here: legal government guaranteeing the equality of the sexes.
31)- Balance sheet
1- Logic
This discussion between Afghan women and Western journalists confronts the latter with the emptiness of their program and their subordination to another program.
a- they fight against a communism which either has not existed for at least three years, or offers a government of national unity to its enemies and in any case is the guarantor of human unity of both sexes, that is to say of the people.
b- they fight alongside armed groups whose only political program can no longer be to fight a foreign enemy that no longer exists.
c- both find themselves fighting to impose the only existing political program which is the declaration of inhumanity of one of the two sexes of the total population.
Consequently, the word "communism" or rather "anti-communism" common to the two protagonists can only be the equivalent of the human disqualification of women. They have nothing else to offer fighters.
In other words, the crime against humanity is their common program.
2- The constructive alliance
The discussion they have with these women establishes, both on their part and on their part, that they are part of this criminality. They insert it into their own so-called Western strategy.
As the text of this strategy rings hollow, because since the departure of the Soviets its foundation has disappeared, they find themselves in a situation of having only the criminal program to fill the void of this text.
It is not by mistake, by myopia, by incomprehension, that they combine an empty text with criminal content.
Their own agenda is no longer, in effect, the fight against an alien force. They know it no longer exists.
They say they subordinate the fate of women to their "fight against communism".
Their goal is "never again". Never again a communist regime.
To achieve this, they must therefore fill the gaps in Afghan society in such a way that communism can no longer penetrate and prosper there.
Military or political battles are not enough.
Everyone knows the come-and-go of these activities.
The Communists have lost a battle. It's about making them lose the war.
How ?
By injecting deep into society, in all its personal and administrative ties, an ideological and organizational control that is exclusive of communist doctrine or reasoning.
This is why they ally themselves with the Mujahideen.
The latter are combatants of an administrative policy of individual and collective control.
On the basis of the immurement of all women and the right to destroy those who want to escape, they can subordinate all men to the rules and to the individual and collective benefits of this administrative mechanism.
Therefore, the struggle of the journalists concerned is not innocent with regard to the crime committed against women.
Admittedly, they are not active, but they are indeed accomplices.
Chapter 5: The Hierarchy of Norms
32)- A logical principle
The women confront the journalists with the relevance of their alliance with the Mujahideen.
To clear themselves of participating in a crime against women, journalists establish a hierarchy of norms between:
a- on the one hand "the fight against communism" which takes the place of the universal and justifies the war against the regime in place and the total alliance (military, economic, ideological, media, etc.) with the Mujahideen.
b- on the other hand, the fight specific to the Mujahideen which takes the place of the particular, the local, and locally reduces women to nothing.
So they proudly claim their involvement in what appears to them to be an unimportant, indigenous fact, and yet which is already a war crime.
According to them, by not understanding this hierarchy of norms, women demonstrate that they cannot interfere in the conduct of operations to determine the principles and methods.
They are thus sent back to the ideology of inaccessible female psychology, especially at the time of menstruation, to the rationality that men would master alone because they are constantly serene.
The basis of the alliance between the journalists and the Mujahedeen is well summed up by the quote reported by the journalist "women cannot understand".
33)- Strategic dodging
Journalists justify their presence alongside the Mujahideen by their anti-communist fight.
According to them, women cannot discuss the fighting unity of the Mujahideen and journalists since it has nothing to do with the disqualification of women. It does not concern them.
This unity would only aim to defeat the government in place, which seems legal to them since it is a government made up of communists and communists cannot have a legal existence.
In doing so, they justify the presence of the Mujahideen on the hills in order to defeat the regime in place.
By including the Mujahideen in their anti-communist fight:
a- they clear the latter of their anti-woman fight.
b- they endorse the prospect of substituting their program of enslavement of women with that of this government which ensures equality in law of both sexes.
This political sleight of hand, this logical sleight of hand, relies on the formation of a hierarchy of norms between the two fights; the anti-communist fight and the anti-woman fight.
a- The anti-communist fight would be the public fight.
b- The fight against women would be a private fight.
The fight against communism would allow everything including crimes against humanity and war crimes since they do not concern political combat but domestic combat.
Journalists do not deny that the primary, or major, organizational goal of the Mujahideen is the denial of the humanity of women.
They simply declare that, in the question of Power in Afghanistan, that of the definition, organization and exercise of public powers, this program of denial of the humanity of women is accepted since it is the condition sine qua non of the decisive participation of these armed groups in the victory against the communist government and the Afghan communist party.
They establish their position not on a moral impotence or their professional neutrality but on the claimed distinction of the primacy of the general political strategy of the Westerners present over the particular sexist concerns of the Afghans.
They do not claim their profession but their media participation in a political strategy which establishes a hierarchy of norms and values between two types of combat, that against communism which is universal (therefore international) and that of gender relations which is particular (hence local).
The first type, universal, is the place of the alliance of Westerners (journalists letting Afghan women know that they fit into this category) and the mujahideen.
The second type, particular, is the place of local quarrels which must not interfere with the first.
34)- The relevance of this hierarchy of norms
Journalists respond to women by establishing a hierarchy of political norms and their military consequences.
1- Common sexism
This logic immediately uncovers its sexist content:
a- What takes precedence would be the fight against communism.
b- These women "can't understand" this fight.
c- Women shut themselves up in psychological realities, household preoccupations, which prevent them from seeing the deep logic of things.
d- The Mujahideen on the other hand understand the political realities.
In other words: sexism is from the start the common good of both allies; their meeting place.
2- The disqualification of motives
a- The claimed reason for the presence of Western journalists and civilian executives in Afghanistan is the presence of Soviet troops.
b- When the journalists reply to these women that the anti-communist fight obviously takes precedence over their freedom, they no longer have the pretext, the guarantee, of the presence of Soviet troops.
Only the Anglo-Saxon and Pakistani foreign troops remain.
c- They don't just inform, they fight, with people, among people, who can no longer say themselves that they are fighting the foreign presence, and who put crime at the center of their concerns.
d- They fight a government which asks the various military-political forces in the presence to form a government of national unity and which pursues a policy of equality and unity of the two sexes, in other words of humanity.
3- The impossibility of illusions
Journalists take up the cause of armed jihadist groups.
They refuse a policy of national unity and only aim for the violent overthrow of the government.
What is their program?
The facts show that:
a- they have no social-economic program other than the maintenance of the feudal state of the country with the exception of specific places, such as the capital, where trade can open up internationally.
b- their only program is the submission of every person and organization to Sharia.
c- Sharia is one administrative policy among others.
d- It's theirs.
She is the one who summons them, brings them together, unites them.
e- No group has another.
f- The women say it and the journalists endorse it.
4- Ethics
Journalists can be against the government in place.
But how do these arguments allow them to leave the rules of their profession which is strictly to inform?
However, their response to these women indicates that they are indeed doing something else.
From the moment they are accused of participating in a crime by the victims of this crime, they are held to account.
35)- The inversion of norms
The facts contradict this hierarchy of norms and values.
The universal or presented as such does not organize the particular.
On the contrary, it is the particular that structures the universal.
It is through the fight for the denial of the humanity of women that the fight against communism is organized.
As soon as the Soviet troops left, the anti-Communist fight was no more than the guise of human fracturing.
The assertion of journalists to lead an anti-communist fight is a hollow phrase.
At the time of this conversation, they are only there to serve soup to the Mujahideen. That is to say to install the logic of fracturing of humanity.
Certainly, the Westerners will obtain the defeat of the communist government but it will be to install a regime whose agenda has always been the crime against humanity and this without any possible public ambiguity.
In 1992, journalists take part in an imaginary struggle against communism.
On the other hand, they really contribute to the establishment of the denial of the humanity of women as a social and state norm.
The victory of the Mujahideen and their criminal program is not an unfortunate drift from the victory of a justified policy, the unforeseen deviation from a policy of Liberation. It is the development of the essential argument of a fight based on this crime.
In 1992, it was already four years since the departure of the Soviet troops no longer allowed the federation of the Mujahideen on the theme of the fight against a foreign presence while accepting that of the Westerners.
It is indeed the communist government which is fought as such.
This government ensures gender equality.
It is this quality that brings together and guarantees the unity of religious armed political groups.
It is this logic that will organize all the political and administrative life of Afghanistan from 1992 to 20022.
For the journalists, it is only a question of the fight against communism and the women do not have to deal with it but to subordinate themselves to it.
In fact, it wasn't until 2001, when the winning criminal sect was at war with the United States, which financed and supported its rise, then hailed its victory as "positive", for the legal cause of women to be recognized. declared admissible by the same.
The cause of women seen by the allies of the Mujahideen is disqualified from the start. It is no longer a national cause but a neo-colonial cache-sex.
36) Invariants
It is interesting to examine the invariants of the government overthrows of 1992 and 2021.
1- They are the result of the same alliances.
It is the strategic unity of religious groups and Western representatives, United States and NATO, which leads to the overthrow of the government recognizing the unity of the sexes and the preponderance of civil law over religious law.
2- The continuity of religious groups is made by reference to sharia, ie the supremacy of religious law over civil law and the enslavement of women.
3- The indifference of the political label
a- In 1992, the government was communist and this label was the pretext invoked to achieve unity and fight it.
b- In 2021, the same Westerners repeat the same alliance with religious groups against the secular government which is not communist since it is installed and financed by the Americans.
c- The government is therefore different but the unity of Westerners and the Taliban has the same basis, the disqualification of women.
4- In both cases, women are a bargaining chip between Westerners and criminal sects.
5- It is in the name of the hierarchy of norms that the Western camp forms an alliance with the jihadists.
Women are at the discretion of the Mujahideen and they can freely discuss serious issues with Westerners.
6- This camp thus inscribes in the international practices of Western States that the enslavement of women is the only possible administrative policy in Afghanistan from the moment when we distinguish the fracturing of the sexes from the question of power. .
7- It records the refusal of Western negotiators to link political legitimacy to the refusal of the fracturing of the sexes.
The hierarchy of norms is therefore the basis of each other's participation in the criminality that organizes the fracturing of humanity.
Chapter 6: The Functions of the Afghan War,
37)- The repetition
Journalists are in a camp but during this discussion they take responsibility for their participation in this camp. They make it personal.
As they tell the women, they are there to "fight the communists".
They have a political war goal.
I evoke here, the aspects of this war from the point of view which concerns my reflection.
What is the function, or rather the functions, of this war for these people?
We can speak of a Cultural Revolution.
The actors staged and mimed the cultural and political movements linked to the victory of Democracy in 1945 to get rid of them.
A- The ideology
The war in Afghanistan was the scene of a theatrical and emphatic reference to the Wars in Spain (1937) and Vietnam (1970).
Some networks of bacs+5 went to Afghanistan replaying the paces of the International Brigades.
The only difference was that they replayed these scenes alongside the fascist subversion against the republican power in place.
They were at the side of the feudal, the sexists, the illiterates, the obscurantists of all kinds.
They followed in the footsteps of Franco, the Charlemagne division, veterans of the Indochina war, the Vietnam GIs.
They were against the republicans, the unity of the sexes, the lights.
This war was important for the politicized European baccalaureates. She stripped them of their old anti-fascist skins of the Popular Front and the alliance of 1945 including the Soviets of the war of 40.
You have to take the procedures.
The common thread is the continuity of the disqualification of women, the fracturing of the sexes, the crime against humanity at the cost of participation in a war crime.
B- The two streams:
The Western journalists who are our subject left not only to report but to put their art at the service of a political fight which they believe gives them legal immunity since it is said to be "anti-communist".
They went from the west to Afghanistan in reports like others left from countries ruled by Islam to the same destination to wage jihad against the unbelievers, communists in this case.
The common thread is anticommunism, the potential divergence is the quality of it.
For journalists, communism is evil in itself.
Very quickly, religious ideology gives its vocabulary. Communism becomes Evil, Evil, Devil.
For the Mujahideen, communism is a figure of disbelief. But for them, there are others.
This slight difference announces the conflicts between the allies after the common victory against communism.
The dialectic of this unity and this nuance is the whole history of the relations between the Western party and the Muslim party.
It is undeniable that the media sector and its global echo was from the beginning a major element in the implementation of this criminal state policy.
Journalists defend their unity with the jihadists against women because they came to Afghanistan for the same fight, against the same enemy.
The women confront them with the evidence that this common struggle draws them into a common crime; some as actors, others as accomplices.
C -The common logic of these two trajectories organizes their history.
1- These trajectories unite in the war against the communist government and not only the Soviet army.
Both sides are there to inflict a defeat on communism in the world and not only in Afghanistan.
2- The Soviet intervention alongside the communist government in Afghanistan is the occasion for the construction of these two ideological sectors armed against communism.
a- Western journalists accompany the American and English military devices,
b- The Muslim parties form the jihad financed mainly by the United States.
3- When journalists are challenged by women, the Soviet army has been gone for three years.
4- They say they are leading a fight "against communism" and not against the Soviet Army which in 1992 no longer exists as well as the Soviet Union.
5- They lead alongside the Mujahideen an all-out fight against a government that proposes national unity.
6- Their only weapon against this government is to line up behind the program of these Mujahideen.
The rest of history has shown three times that if the goals of victory are the same (the elimination of the communist government with which no one has dealt, including the journalists), the exercise of power leads to the both the pursuit of unity and the appearance of divergences.
Their allies are the jihadists. That is.
These are not just any allies since they are the ones who must form the future new government.
The closer we get to victory, the more it is the Westerners who are allies of the jihadists and not the other way around.
Each side is waging war to drag Afghanistan into its fold.
The novelty is that the allies of the Western camp who normally have to behave like folkloric and contemptible puppets after their installation in government, as usual, now have the means to develop their own policy.
Jihad was to be a simple local bloodthirsty antics, like so many others, it will lead the jihadists to New York on September 11, 2001.
D-May-68
The journalists and the ideologues who accompany them drape their exclusively anti-Communist intervention with the authority and prestige of revolutionary terms comparable to those carried by the Communists; the Revolution, the Liberation, etc.
We find the same ideological device as in May-68 in France.
In May-68, the so-called "leftist" groups which are the matrix of the channels of modern ideologies held high the Communist Revolution, the real one, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, the good one, the revolutionary party, Trotsky, Mao, Lenin, Stalin, etc
At the same time, they proclaimed that their only fight was against the French Communist Party ("the Stalinist scoundrels" Cohn-Bendit, May 13, 1968) and the USSR ""The enemy is the Soviet Union", Duras , 1970).
The intrusion of the religious into Western-dominated politics is also the particular feature common to these two periods:
In May 68, the armature of leftism or "student movement" is the cultural movement of Jewish obedience.
In 1980-92, it was the meeting of this movement with the political emergence of Muslim culture.
In 1981, the so-called March of the Beurs was the meeting of a Catholic priest and practicing Muslims from the Lyon suburbs.
In 1980-1992, the same university courses, even the same people:
a- reproduce the "Spanish war" "against fascism" and "Vietnam" for human rights.
b- create a political category that justifies the connection of these two stories: the "red-brown". The fight against communism becomes the same as that against Nazism.
E- The object of this capture of heritage is to disqualify communism on its ground, to take away its creations.
The object of this intervention is to make this capture of universal inheritance by the military defeat of a government identifiable with all the communist parties.
It is therefore a question of defeating communism from within (ideology) and from without (military).
F- Journalistic participation in this Afghan conflict is a military ideological commitment and not just media coverage of a war zone.
G- This is not war journalism but the involvement of journalists in a war.
H - Why not? This fight may indeed be worth another. The whole thing is to know what they are doing there and that they assume it for better or for worse.
This is the era of "borderless" associations. They make it possible to recruit in universities on a humanitarian or Human Rights basis.
I attended such a recruitment operation at the Ecole Normale Supérieure, rue d'Ulm, to act alongside the Chechen Mujahideen, in the 1990s, on behalf of the organization "Students Without Borders", in a anarcho-sixty-eight verbiage.
The common thread is always anti-Communism (when there are no more Communists), anti-Sovietism (when there are no more Soviets) and the good old colonial adventure.
38)- Emptiness
The common purpose of these interventions is to draw Afghanistan into the fold of each of the actors.
This is where the oppositions come in:
1- For Westerners, Jihad was to be a simple local bloodthirsty antics, as in so many other places.
Once the task was done, the warlords, the local potentates, had to finally fall into line.
2- For the jihadists, the exercise of power consists in maintaining the administrative policy of sharia and therefore the feudal regime but also the continuation of jihad.
3- This conflicting unity can be found in the dates:
a- In 1992, the Western camp hailed the military defeat of the communist government as a Liberation.
b- In 1996, the US government officially hailed as "a positive step" the administrative unification of Afghanistan by the Taliban.
c- In 2001, the continuation of jihad to the United States led to the rupture between the Western camp and its jihadist allies, in this case the Taliban.
d- In 2021, the American government is negotiating with the Taliban for their return to power without the knowledge of the Afghan government, which depends on it.
e- It takes up the logic of the Hierarchy of Norms and delivers the women to the Taliban to allow them to overthrow the legal government installed by them and pacify Afghanistan.
The war in Afghanistan is even the typical example of "humanitarian wars" based on the "right of interference" to install democracy.
So, we don't talk about women, neither for good nor for bad.
To be sure that we don't talk about women, we exclude them from the discussion. They "can't understand."
In doing so, the Mujahideen are allowed to develop their military action to win, conquer power, overthrow the communist government and implement their program.
It turns out that the whole agenda of all Mujahideen factions is summed up in one word "Sharia" and comes down to one principle that of the inhumanity of women.
It must be said that the Taliban imposed this program on the other jihadist factions. These fractions have organized a civil war for the sharing, always questioned, of the spoils of their country.
The Taliban simply sidelined the warlords and unified the administrative networks.
The sexist basis of administrative policy has always been the same.
The Peshawar Agreement of April 25, 1992 establishes an Islamic State. It is done under the aegis of Sharia and from June, when the Mujahideen enter Kabul, women are forced to wear the Hijab. Tradition has nothing to do with it.
The difference between the two periods, without and with the Taliban in government, is that the Islamic State is a clan warfare organization and the Taliban imposes administrative unity.
In 1992, the Islamic State organized itself on the basis of the war and therefore subordinated the administrative question of the relations of the two sexes to the question of the war.
a- The disqualification of the humanity of women can appear as a domestic matter dealt with in current affairs.
b- It is nonetheless the legal rule.
c- This is not the resumption of the past, it is the modern answer to the question posed by the equality of the sexes established by the government fought by the journalists allied for this fact with the jihadists.
In 1996, the Islamic Emirate organized itself in peace and thus gave public primacy to the administrative dictatorship.
The status of women becomes the public axis of the entire administrative organization.
Of course, women will be particularly persecuted by the Taliban.
However, they are only so by exacerbating the separatist laws put in place by the Mujahideen in response to the unity of the communist government.
With the militias of wars, the men, the villages, the trade, etc were disturbed.
With the Taliban, the immurement of women serves as a benchmark for the proper functioning of public rule.
In 2001, the "Islamic Republic of Afghanistan" invented by the American military imposes the American forces in the Afghan functioning and therefore reduces the role of sexism insofar as it can no longer be first.
It follows a certain freedom of women in the big cities.
The American military have since the 2010s that the status of women was not one of their concerns.
In 2021, the Americans are reviving the Hierarchy of Norms doctrine.
The wheel turns on itself indefinitely.
This balance of constants governs the history of many countries.
The peculiarity of Afghanistan is that it operates through a specific criminality that concerns humanity.
Until the law has been said in forms which are binding on all, so it will be; with some domestic or exported disasters along the way.
Chapter 7: Law
This reflection allows us to say that no institution occupies the place of justice in the examination of the continuity of the crime against humanity which is the constitutive axis of the national and international relations of the Afghan political administration.
39)- The publicity of the debate
Journalists disqualify women's comments out of hand.
1- The evocation of this discussion on television should not mislead and be confused with the public debate.
These facts, like so many others, are evoked for the historical instruction of the executives and their networks.
They will never be the subject of a public debate aimed at the instruction and the decision of the French people.
Only the legal debate and its decision rendered in the name of the French people can qualify what engaged the title of France.
These people did not hesitate to claim to represent its honor.
2- I therefore submit to the attention of the courts the issue of voluntary and conscious complicity in this crime against humanity and participation in this war crime on the part of these French and European professionals.
Women, states and their diplomacy need it.
40)- The correspondence of crimes
The continuity of the Mujahideen crime is matched by the continuity of the complicity of Western networks of which the journalists incriminated by the women in this document are the representatives.
Women have always been part of the furniture. Western executive networks do not see what the status of women can do in their strategy.
In 1992, they "can't understand".
In 2001, following "September 11", the crime committed against women is neither thought of nor qualified as such. On the contrary, its logic is renewed.
Indeed, in 2001, women's rights are recognized only as a propaganda argument against the Taliban
Support for these rights will depend on location and circumstances.
Once negotiations with the Taliban resume, support for women's rights will decline.
In 2010, the generals leading the American occupation of Afghanistan declare that women are not among their concerns.
This is done under the priority of the anti-Taliban military fight. This is in fact the removal of the main obstacle to discussions with the Taliban.
In 2021, Western leaders, through journalists, continued to specify that if the Taliban blocked the jihadists, their regime would be acceptable and accepted.
Either way, women are just one adjustment variable in Western media debates; a propaganda aid, a media Vaseline.
41)- Misfires
As long as this specific crime against women has not been qualified in law, it will be so.
The qualification is denied because it is then necessary to qualify the initial Western aid brought to this criminal fight.
Journalists in 1992, others in 2021-2022 hide behind the affirmation of the obvious impossibility of acting otherwise, that is to say by respecting human unity, equality in law and in dignity of the sexes.
It's wrong.
In 1992, it was possible to respond to the Communist government's offer of national unity.
From 2001 to 2021, it was possible to legally qualify the disqualification of the humanity of women or even to arm women and democrats to enforce the law.
Provided the right is said.
42)- Law
In 2021, the provisional diplomatic category of "inclusive government", and its variations, certainly makes it possible to address urgent humanitarian issues and those of international security.
It does not settle the organic question of the Afghan regimes, which is that of the criminal institutional policy with regard to women.
Until the masking of the faces of female mannequins in shop windows is legally qualified, no capital in the world will be safe.
At the same time, this temporary hiatus in alliances and their setbacks forces lawyers to take their responsibilities.
The status of women, in Afghanistan and not only Afghan women, having become an international issue, the jurists of the world must do their job and give women a face in law.
That is to say qualify the action of those who take it away from them and of those who think it is legal to fight alongside them on the pretext that they claim to be the first to maneuver when they are their stooges.
Without judicial scrutiny of this state-made crime, sooner or later it will become an "inclusive" form of international law.
The magistrates will then take over from the journalists incriminated in the trivialization of the crime, its installation in the public functioning, under cover of the commiseration of the Western executives towards practices considered as belonging to ethnology, cultural differentialism,
Without judicial scrutiny of this state-made crime, sooner or later it will become an "inclusive" form of international law.
The magistrates will then take over from the journalists incriminated in the trivialization of the crime, its installation in the public functioning, under cover of the commiseration of the Western executives towards practices considered as belonging to ethnology, cultural differentialism, Tradition, picturesque.
2- The quest for Human Rights Violations
Several million people are in serious food difficulties because foreign States refuse to send money and food on the grounds of the violation of human rights.
The Western camp is desperate for ordinary massacres attributable to the Taliban to justify a type of accusation of human rights abuses that does not involve a legal concern with the status of women.
However, neither the settling of accounts, nor the negligence of the Taliban, are constitutive of a particular criminality.
This is so because the axis of Afghan institutional crime is the human disqualification of women.
On this basis, the legal behavior of the Taliban and mujahideen can appear as normal.
The absence, the refusal, the incapacity, of legal qualification of the facts, the subordination of the latter to political combinations renamed "diplomacy", is the missing link of the public system, its "unsaid".
Until this is said judicially, the Afghan political imbroglio will appear as an "Afghan quagmire", an unfathomable mystery.
43)- Jurisprudence
This is probably so because the world is now a global village.
1- The human defeat of Afghan women damages the status of women around the world. Not only morally but also strategically.
The repetition of the exploit of the winners mobilizes the applicants.
The rights of European women are less evident today than before the Taliban's second victory.
This is what American women call the "Clash Back."
2- Consequently, what happens in what is still called "the foreigner" is of interest to French and European law. Because it concerns the organization of law in Europe.
a- This was the case in the past for the conflicts of slavery, maritime law and national and human rights.
The courts had to hear about it because these adventures concerned the functioning of local law, English or American.
This is the case with pedophilia, etc.
b- The cop26 has just established that irresponsibility with regard to global warming is no longer a fact of the Prince but becomes a criminal action which concerns all the other countries.
c- In France, the public prosecutor can open investigations concerning acts of rape abroad but also in France, even if the acts are time-barred.
This is to verify whether the persons concerned have not committed other crimes of the same nature and not prescribed.
The journalists present publicly covered an offensive aimed at denying the humanity of women, at enslaving them for the sole fact of this quality, at disposing of them legally on the sole ground that one is a man and the other is a woman.
It is the participation in the construction of a criminal political apparatus and in its victory.
This victory conditions since 1992 the formation, the installation, the exercise, of the Public powers in Afghanistan.
It is this logic that allowed the Taliban to present itself as the institutional norm in 1994 and in 2021.
In 2021, they obtained to discuss as equals with the Americans against the legal government installed by the latter. The foundation being the restoration of the slavery of women.
It is impossible to pretend that this discussion is ancient history. It is the testimony of the installation of a continuity.
Of course, each case is complex.
The fight for the enslavement of women continues.
European executives, journalists in this case, can always report with poses of chastened adventurers their participation in this crime by watching it from a distance because they would only have manipulated it.
The fact remains that Afghan women can rightly attack journalists present in Afghanistan before the capture of Kabul in 1992, material supporters of the installation of the Taliban and other Mujahideen in power, for war crimes and complicity in crimes against humanity.
It would be good for French justice to examine this question in law before, like others, it dishonours France.
During Cop26, the Head of State, Emmanuel Macron, called on everyone to "take their responsibilities".
As with the climate, let's not leave this "responsibility" to our children.
Let's not wait sixty years to name the crime.
The seizure of power by the Taliban marks a turning point in the legal place of women in global society.
We can no longer dispose of it legally as before without rendering public, political and judicial accounts.
We cannot leave it to the various political authorities alone to qualify the facts.
It is essential that they are qualified in law.
The prosecutor can open an investigation into acts of violence against women even if they are time-barred.
Admittedly, some believe they can control the effects of their participation in the creation of this simply criminal organization by a subtle game of competition between criminal sects and support for democratic political groups.
While from 1988 to 1992, it was possible to put in place a policy of national unity based on Democracy, these forces supported the criminal sects which had in common to base their domination on the denial of the humanity of women. .
44)- Facts, investigations, time.
1- The act of crime against humanity and complicity
The crime against humanity is public knowledge and the complicity is established by the women and reported by the journalist.
I am taking the case to court so that it learns from the journalist quoted the testimony in its entirety, the names of the journalists and women present as well as the previous facts which led to the questioning of these women.
45)- New arrivals
1- The political novelty
The new political fact is that the allies of the Western camp who normally have to behave like folkloric and contemptible puppets after their installation in government, as usual, now have the means to develop their own politics.
It is the Afghans who agree to ally themselves or even unite with the Western camp, under the banner of democracy, who appear as illegitimate and corrupt puppets and the jihadists as hard but honest, severe but fair Liberators.
2- Judicial novelty
The new legal fact is twofold:
a- the criminal rule of the human disqualification of one sex by the other is the determining axis of the Afghan organization, well beyond feudal disputes which are reduced to sharing corruption,
b- This rule becomes by this series of victory of the jihadists a determining fact of the world diplomatic relations.
a- the Afghan administration as well as international action come up against this judicial silence with regard to the qualification of the status of women.
b- it follows that today the examination of the qualification of crime against humanity can no longer be refused.
4- The evolution of penal responsibilities
a- Some politicians put their energy at the service of their respective parties.
From the 1980s, they had to be accountable for their financial management. Ex: Urba case (for the left), Bygmallion case (for the right).
b- in the same way, those of good will who put themselves at the service of a military cause must be accountable when this solidarity relates to participation in criminality.
46)- Lawyers
A- From February 13 to 15, 1945, the Americans and the English were able to bomb Dresden with complete impunity.
Wikipedia: The United States Army Air Forces (USAAF) and the Royal Air Force (RAF) used incendiary bombs including thermite, the use of phosphorus being discussed. Conventional and time bombs were also used. The current estimate of the number of victims is around 35,000 dead (including 25,000 identified bodies).
1- They were able to do so with complete impunity because they were the winners and this victory paved the way for the establishment of Western democracy.
2- The Nuremberg trial prosecutor noted that:
a- the court had judged only the crimes of the vanquished.
b- in the future, it will also be necessary to judge the crimes of the victors.
B- Evolutions
a- What has changed since 1992 is the ability of Western executives to go to the South, or Third World, or former colonies, to do there with impunity what they would not or no longer dare to do in Europe or the UNITED STATES.
b- Very slowly, pedophile tourism becomes reprehensible. In the 90s, it was still the subject of public stories à la Tartarin de Tarascon. These trips were used for the sexual and family learning of the youngest.
I am quoting here a public conversation held by an honest tradesman while returning from a family vacation.
c- Self-justification:
a- It was said that it was in the culture of children, male or female, of the countries of the South, to prostitute themselves.
The notables felt in no way at fault for taking the youngest child away to tease him and perfect his sexual education under the enamored control of his parents. They honored these 12-year-old children by satisfying their custom of prostituting themselves to become women or men.
b- It was also in the culture of these same countries to make women "walled up alive".
C- Today:
1- These excessive acts of war come under the ad hoc Courts of Justice.
2- German justice considers that the passive participation, as an office worker, in the extermination of the Jews constitutes a crime against humanity and liable to the imprescriptibility of the fault.
3- French justice has just opened an investigation for a suspicion of rape dating from 1985 in order to find out if the author has not recently reoffended.
4- Rape has a statute of limitations, crimes against humanity do not and it is useful to know if the same have not recurred recently.
5- This must be so especially when they lead the democratic evolution of the world to defeat and when this defeat can allow the regressive forces to propagate their action.
6- Everyone can see that the victory of the Taliban has consequences:
a- at short notice in all its environment, even controlled by great powers like China and Russia.
b- immediate and strategic in Africa.
c- developing on the European continent on the grounds of the so-called "traditional" enslavement of women and the political defeat of Western democracies.
Chapter 8: Conclusion
This reflection comes from a man without particular qualification to lead it.
He glimpsed a crime in the incident of a journalist who came to present the book through which he talks about his own story.
This one refused to confirm to him orally or in writing this testimony which he reported in two emissions devoted to this account of his life.
This journalist is the only certain reality of this story.
The anecdote is approximately dated and the actors only have consistency in their quality. It is believed that women and journalists had a dialogue one day, one evening, in early 1992 in Kabul.
The alleged criminals are not losers.
Some have a high awareness of the good they have done for humanity, of the service rendered by their activity to Human Rights.
The others are in power and no one dreams of dislodging them.
Women are part of this legal action through their questioning, of which this document only reproduces a sequence.
All the action of Afghan women is the opposition in action of the right to crime.
The alleged victims never went to court. No doubt over time they have learned to be cautious and fear that a judgment will legally validate a status which for the moment is only obvious.
Isn't this a good start for magistrates to take an interest in tracing the chain of facts and questions, to question these silences, these evidences, these presences, establish a judicial reality?
Who can say today that this distant criminality is not also our news?
Everything has been tried in Afghanistan except the law.
It would be interesting if a justice of war or scenes of war were not a victor's justice; as requested by the Nuremberg trial prosecutor at the conclusion of his work.
French justice is qualified to say the law in a conflict of humanity with itself, to determine the possible penal responsibilities of each other in this conflict and to judge it.
Marc SALOMONE
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