salomone.marc@neuf.fr
blog: madic50.blogspot.com / Book: The two forms, ed. Amazon
blog: madic50.blogspot.com / Book: The two forms, ed. Amazon
Paris,
Monday, August 6, 2018
REFLECTION
ON THE "CROSS VIOLENCE" OF TWO ETHNIC BANDS AT ORLY
AIRPORT. Wednesday, August 1st, 2018.
1)- Preamble
On
Wednesday, August 1, 2018, the two accompanying rap artists, Booba and
Kaaris, clashed violently inside the secure area of Orly
airport. Both artists took a plenary part. They were assisted by
their associates, eleven of whom were arrested.
They are
all placed in custody on Wednesday, August 1. They are presented to
the court for immediate appearance on Friday, August 3. The Tribunal
decides that the trial is postponed to Thursday, September 6, 2018
and that the defendants are all subject to a warrant of committal for
remand.
There are
two directions in dealing with this case.
1- Or,
the magistrates consider them as common law cases, individual
excesses which on this occasion occur in a space frequented by honest
people. This is called a fight.
2- Or,
they consider them political coups. The dangerous fight then becomes
a conquest of territory. This is called a factious enterprise.
The
characterization of the facts of "cross-violence" by the
Prosecutor of the Republic allows either to get lost in the statement
of crossings or to grasp the logic of a common offensive.
2) - The
Fight
1- The
type
This
general fight would be a fight. We give ourselves an appointment, we
go for it, we go back home.
In this
case, this Fight would emerge from the public performance of the
usual aggressiveness of rap artists between them.
His only
fault would have been in an inappropriate place.
2- The
legitimate place
These
Fights would be cultural if they are held in popular places, called
suburbs, and reprehensible if they are embedded in the instruments of
circulation of the ruling classes, such as an airport.
3) - The
supporters of the Fight
The
reduction of the confrontation to a conflict of common law out of its
legitimate jar is supported involuntarily by three distinct sources.
1- The
lawyers of the parties
They have
professionally interests so that the judicial debate is organized
starting from the search of the personal responsibilities of the
protagonists.
Their
stated purpose on television is to prove that their client was the
assaulted and therefore the victim.
2- Representatives of rap artists in the media.
According
to them, this affair adds a stone to the public bag of a musical
style that certainly suffers from the public ranting of its
participants.
They are
right to support their profession and to demonstrate at the same time
that this violence has other reasons than music.
However,
to do this they feed the media ritornello building the usual scenario
of the band of young cities uncultivated and agitated.
3- The procedure
The Fight
hypothesis is also supported by the inquiry procedure itself. The
primary concern of the investigators is who did what and in
particular who started.
On
arrival, there will remain only the uncertainties of the genesis and
the few certainties of the filmed identification of some fighters.
4- The
result
In doing
so, the procedure and other actors of the proceedings (lawyers,
police officers, rappers, etc.) serve the protagonists of the Fight.
Indeed,
the servile follow-up of the turns and detours of this confrontation
installs the verbiage of the fighters at the Direction of the
judgment. The Tribunal becomes the stooge, the justice of the peace,
protagonists.
5-
Renewal
By
organizing the trial on this agreed idea of gang brawl, the
state is preparing to repeat the same analysis at the next Fight and
the next one.
This accommodating management of the Fights
inevitably leads to their repetition, their installation, the
integration of their administrative potential in the organization
chart of the airport.
4) - The
Judicial Risks of the Fight
The
magistrates will be intractable on the reimbursements of the expenses
incurred. There will undoubtedly be penalties that will cover
pre-trial detention and suspended sentences in case these artists
come up with the foolish idea of resuming this occupation of a
coded territory.
1- On the
one hand, money will trade and there is no shortage. Especially since
the civil plaintiffs (Paris Airport and Duty-free) are very
accommodating.
2- On the
other hand, these artists have no intention of starting again.
3- As for
their henchmen, they do not care about these judicial abuses.
These
people indeed include arrests and scandals in their actions. The
lawyers are there to adjust these in the official frameworks.
The media
even constantly evokes the hypothesis of a media coup on the part of
the two rappers.
On a
video, we can see a big guy under arrest who seems to be one of two
artists continue to do in front of police inert warlike gestures of
provocation against the enemy. He knows how to make the difference
between the essence of chaos and the scum of official procedures.
5) - The
conquest
This
confrontation must be taken for what it is: a political act. Even if
it is a policy of influence, while waiting better.
This is
so because it aims at the definition, the training, the exercise of
the public authorities; public order is one of them.
This
political struggle is not immediately understandable for the French
for whom politics is a matter of inset parties seeking to seize power
by elections, or dreaming of the use of force, in order to govern.
The
influential parties want to invest the places of power without
necessarily exercising it in title.
The
Italian mafia can serve as a reference. The mafia do not want a
municipality wearing the colors of the mafia. They want a
municipality that satisfies the mafia on the issues that concern it.
We can
compare these fights to those of bars. They are of two types:
1- The
fights that are quarrels of drunk customers who break everything to
let off steam from the hardships of their lives.
2- Those
organized by the mafia who want to terrorize both the owners and the
customers.
3- In
this case, the stake is not to let off steam but to make it clear to
the keeper that he must pay the Pizzo, to the customers that they
must be silent, to the forces of the order which they must stick to
the observation of incomprehensible "cross-violence".
These
ethnic bands do not want to run the airport. They only want to
install gradually, by keys, in the functional landscape of the
airport.
We will
soon learn that the border police can no longer enter baggage sorting
centers and that the distribution of tickets is controlled by
elements outside the relevant services.
This
fight is also to reconcile press information on the existence in the
airport of ethnic networks tracking the rich passengers and their
looting on the highway.
Through
cultural knowledge networks; the bands are starting to feel at home
and their leaders want to extend the authority to extend the
influence zones into the airport.
6) - The
natural slope
Insensibly,
without departing from the scrupulous follow-up of the procedure
which chops the meaning and transforms it into details of facts,
justice will organize the disqualification of politics in facts of
common law.
For
decades, judges have proceeded in so-called spaces, suburbs,
neighborhoods, etc.
As a
result, the inhabitants of the places where these criminals are
suffering undergo both their diktats and the incapacity of justice to
name the public facts of this policy of conquest.
With
regard to what she calls imperturbably common law violence; justice
has successively repressed, reprimanded, channeled, legitimized,
organized political violence.
The Theo
Luhaka case incidentally taught us that the state was giving 700,000
euros to a family to ensure public order instead of the police force,
solely because of the ethnic characterization of this family.
In the
Nantes case, describing the facts as "the death of a
22-year-old" and not the "death of a wanted criminal in a
state of recidivism", the magistrates legalized the ideology of
the rioters factious.
They say they want to set limits to the action of this type of scoundrels and guarantee them that there will be no follow-up if they do not leave. These limits have been for over thirty years of true rights of cuissage limited and extensible to infinity on the inhabitants.
1- These territories have been named since 2000: "The lost territories of the Republic".
2- In 2017, in a city of Marseille, the Chief of a police patrol said: "No, we do not go there, they are at home. We go through the small exit not to annoy them. We too would not accept that they come to us. "
3- A petition was published on April 21, 2018, in Le Parisien, saying that 50,000 suburban Jews had to leave their homes and their cities.
4- Tens of thousands of other French people have done the same.
In both cases, for the French and their Jewish compatriots:
1- This is what the petitioners call "low-noise ethnic cleansing".
2- This questions us about the political reasons for the cowardice with which these two populations are expropriated with so much submission.
This is exactly the question that judges face in the Orly airport case. They must say whether they submit to the false pretenses of villainous appearances or whether they judge the reality of a political offensive.
7) - The
change of place
Magistrates
do not care and continue to treat ethnic-religious clashes as a fight
between young people and rival gangs, and not for what they are, that
is, territorial conquest processes.
Control
of public order allows participation in the property.
This is
so because these territories primarily concern workers and employees
in which magistrates do not recognize themselves.
The
interest of the Orly affair is that this strategy of territorial
conquest, because that is what it is about, goes to the next stage.
Not only,
it takes place in a strategic location of the state that is an
airport but it concerns the social classes in which the magistrates
recognize themselves. They can say: I could have been there.
8) -
Pre-trial detention
The
detention in remand of persons who are also personalities informs us
on the estimate of the violence of the facts by the public
authorities.
It is by
the risk of the resumption of these "cross-violence" that
the Tribunal has given priority to the detention warrant.
This
measure is not an installment on the decisions of the trial. It can
not therefore engage in reflections on the responsibilities that will
accompany it.
9) - The
issue of sentences
The facts
having happened in Orly, it is in the eyes of the whole world that
justice will organize its action and render a judgment. The
magistrates will not only have to deal with French people, but they
despise them.
In their
judgment, the magistrates will surely take into account the
complexity of the situation.
Nevertheless,
if they masked the showdown with the public authorities by means of
this "cross-violence" as a determining element of the
facts, they would hide the essential. They would miss the march on a
strategic issue.
The
decisive criterion for judicial action that will take into account
the priority of the policy in this case is the presence or not of a
prison sentence with a warrant of committal at the hearing.
The
latter will indicate that it is up to the factious thugs to present
their arguments not to execute their sentence and not to the courts
to justify the value of the judgment.
10) –
Conclusion
If the
magistrates renew the ideology of the Fight, the French will suffer
in silence this new defeat.
If the
magistrates indicate that this "cross violence" has had the
concern to define public order and if they restore the indivisibility
of the state, it will be a hope for the French.
Everyone
is waiting.
Marc
SALOMONE
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