salomone.marc@neuf.fr
blog: madic50.blogspot.com / Book: The two forms, ed. Amazon.
blog: madic50.blogspot.com / Book: The two forms, ed. Amazon.
Paris,
Sunday, August 19, 2018
In tribute to
gendarmes and police officers charged with causing the death of
criminals in the line of duty, or for having disabled them, while
they refused to comply, and to 10-year-olds raped by thirty-something
men with their consent.
REFLECTION
ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A NEW JURISPRUDENCE AND A CHANGE IN
CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES
For years governments have been saying that public understanding of their politics is a simple matter of pedagogy. I ask that the rulers thus argue on the following subject.
In view
of a multiplicity of public affairs, it is perceptible, at least that
is how I understand it, that magistrates currently constitute a new
jurisprudence in the reports of criminals to the law and consequently
to the State. .
1) - In
the general, abstract form of their action, they proceed at one and
the same time:
1- Massively placing the judicial action under the influence of a distinction between criminals for the same crime according to racial, religious, original criteria.
2- By
conferring on criminals thus distinguished the quality of
participants in the definition, training and exercise of public
authorities.
3- By
instituting such an inequality between the French in front of freedom
of expression that it has become a political principle.
4- By
disarming the French, literally and figuratively, and now the police,
facing crime so distinguished.
2) - By
these practices that I perceive such:
5- They
legalize rape of 10-year-olds by 30-year-olds; which in terms of
these distinctions amounts to introducing Sharia into the penal code.
6- They
criminalize the French who express themselves politically, which is a
constitutional right that does not look at justice, and forbids them
to help others when they are attacked by a distinguished third person
as mentioned above, except to take the risk of being accused of
having exceeded their right to the riposte.
7. They
organize a cunning, dishonest procedure to destroy political rights
in the name of their administrative components.
8- The
model of action used is the one that I call Casier's jurisprudence:
An
officer who does not have the right to open a soldier's personal
locker may punish him for disobeying an order for not having opened
his own locker at the request of the officer.
9- They
make police officers and gendarmes guilty of the death of wanted
thugs and fugitives on the occasion of their arrest.
10. They
question the legitimacy of the police to override the opinion of
wanted criminals and to use the means they deem useful to immobilize
them when they seek to escape them.
11- This
contestation, not only but frequently associated with original
distinctions between criminals and offenders, allows locally the
establishment of specific and distinct legal references to public
law; what the media call "No Right Zones" or "Lost
Territories of the Republic."
12-
Criminals and factious are more and more often empowered to define
the "local" and its infinite extensions; even paid for it.
13- The
rupture in the indivisibility of the public administration is already
recorded in the action of the police under the expression "Do
not stay, here they are at home".
3) - The
perception of this judicial evolution is reinforced by actions of the
Powers of the Republic:
14- Recently, the National Assembly and the Senate have removed the constitutional clause of equality of French before the law by the indistinction of the races.
14- Recently, the National Assembly and the Senate have removed the constitutional clause of equality of French before the law by the indistinction of the races.
15-
Article 2 of the Constitution does not define the races, religions,
origins, but the equality of the French before the law by the
indistinction of their races, religions or origins.
16-
Pretending to suppress the word "race" is a dishonest
procedure to remove the equality of the French before the law by the
indistinction of the French according to their races.
17- The
parliamentarians, and the government present in both Assemblies, can
not ignore that this consequently opens the way to the legalization
of the distinction of races and consequently to the breaking of the
principle of equality.
18- It is
therefore plausible to think that this modification of the
concomitant constitution to the establishment of a jurisprudence
based on the racial, religious, original distinctions, is not
fortuitous and that it will entail the suppression of the
indivisibility of the Republic. It is already claimed by the civil
actors of the community parties.
19- The support
given by the State Council to the judgments legalizing the child's
rape by their consent on the grounds that it is impossible for the
law to protect children, which is contrary to the 1945 ordinance,
indicates that these judgments are part of a private policy of the
state's top executives.
20- This
support allowed the passage of a law that legalizes uncertainty about
the right of children to remain virgin and thus allows to repress
pedophilia covered by secular laws while protecting the pedophilia
produced by religious laws.
21-
Pedophilia passes from the stage of the repression of a crime to that
of the contraventionalisation of a fault likely to accommodate.Reading of the insults argued by the press commentators against those who do not admit that a thirty-year-old adult can legally invoke the consent of a 10-year-old girl to justify putting her rod in her vagina, allows us to understand that this new jurisprudence and its complements parliamentary question and deserve public explanations since it is done in the name of the French people.
Marc
SALOMONE
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