dimanche, août 19, 2018

19.08.18, magistrates, deputies, senators, council of state, children, religion, race,criminals, constitution

 salomone.marc@neuf.fr
blog: madic50.blogspot.com / Book: The two forms, ed. Amazon.

Paris, Sunday, August 19, 2018

In tribute to gendarmes and police officers charged with causing the death of criminals in the line of duty, or for having disabled them, while they refused to comply, and to 10-year-olds raped by thirty-something men with their consent. 

REFLECTION ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A NEW JURISPRUDENCE AND A CHANGE IN CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES

For years governments have been saying that public understanding of their politics is a simple matter of pedagogy. I ask that the rulers thus argue on the following subject.

In view of a multiplicity of public affairs, it is perceptible, at least that is how I understand it, that magistrates currently constitute a new jurisprudence in the reports of criminals to the law and consequently to the State. .

1) - In the general, abstract form of their action, they proceed at one and the same time:

1- Massively placing the judicial action under the influence of a distinction between criminals for the same crime according to racial, religious, original criteria.
2- By conferring on criminals thus distinguished the quality of participants in the definition, training and exercise of public authorities.
3- By instituting such an inequality between the French in front of freedom of expression that it has become a political principle.
4- By disarming the French, literally and figuratively, and now the police, facing crime so distinguished.

2) - By these practices that I perceive such:
5- They legalize rape of 10-year-olds by 30-year-olds; which in terms of these distinctions amounts to introducing Sharia into the penal code.
6- They criminalize the French who express themselves politically, which is a constitutional right that does not look at justice, and forbids them to help others when they are attacked by a distinguished third person as mentioned above, except to take the risk of being accused of having exceeded their right to the riposte.
7. They organize a cunning, dishonest procedure to destroy political rights in the name of their administrative components.
8- The model of action used is the one that I call Casier's jurisprudence:
An officer who does not have the right to open a soldier's personal locker may punish him for disobeying an order for not having opened his own locker at the request of the officer.
9- They make police officers and gendarmes guilty of the death of wanted thugs and fugitives on the occasion of their arrest.
10. They question the legitimacy of the police to override the opinion of wanted criminals and to use the means they deem useful to immobilize them when they seek to escape them.
11- This contestation, not only but frequently associated with original distinctions between criminals and offenders, allows locally the establishment of specific and distinct legal references to public law; what the media call "No Right Zones" or "Lost Territories of the Republic."
12- Criminals and factious are more and more often empowered to define the "local" and its infinite extensions; even paid for it.
13- The rupture in the indivisibility of the public administration is already recorded in the action of the police under the expression "Do not stay, here they are at home".

3) - The perception of this judicial evolution is reinforced by actions of the Powers of the Republic:
14- Recently, the National Assembly and the Senate have removed the constitutional clause of equality of French before the law by the indistinction of the races.
15- Article 2 of the Constitution does not define the races, religions, origins, but the equality of the French before the law by the indistinction of their races, religions or origins.
16- Pretending to suppress the word "race" is a dishonest procedure to remove the equality of the French before the law by the indistinction of the French according to their races.
17- The parliamentarians, and the government present in both Assemblies, can not ignore that this consequently opens the way to the legalization of the distinction of races and consequently to the breaking of the principle of equality.
18- It is therefore plausible to think that this modification of the concomitant constitution to the establishment of a jurisprudence based on the racial, religious, original distinctions, is not fortuitous and that it will entail the suppression of the indivisibility of the Republic. It is already claimed by the civil actors of the community parties.
19- The support given by the State Council to the judgments legalizing the child's rape by their consent on the grounds that it is impossible for the law to protect children, which is contrary to the 1945 ordinance, indicates that these judgments are part of a private policy of the state's top executives.
20- This support allowed the passage of a law that legalizes uncertainty about the right of children to remain virgin and thus allows to repress pedophilia covered by secular laws while protecting the pedophilia produced by religious laws.
21- Pedophilia passes from the stage of the repression of a crime to that of the contraventionalisation of a fault likely to accommodate.
Reading of the insults argued by the press commentators against those who do not admit that a thirty-year-old adult can legally invoke the consent of a 10-year-old girl to justify putting her rod in her vagina, allows us to understand that this new jurisprudence and its complements parliamentary question and deserve public explanations since it is done in the name of the French people.


Marc SALOMONE 


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