mercredi, février 06, 2019

06.02.19, contribution 5, inequality in law

blog: madic50.blogspot.com / Book: The Two forms, ed. Amazon

Paris, Wednesday, February 6, 2019

CONTRIBUTION (5) TO THE NATIONAL DEBATE WISHED BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC IN 2019. INGALITY IN FRENCH LAW ACCORDING TO THEIR CLASS AND THEIR ORIGIN (Continuation of reflection n ° 27 of 1st February 2019, see: madic50)




The article presented by Le Canard Enchaîné, January 30, 2019, p. 5, "Long live the well-bred and stirring couple! Brings up some questions about the unfairness of justice according to the social and original status of the plaintiffs.

Part 1: Two social categories of complainants

1) - The facts
By order of 20 January 2016, the Mayor of Rueil-Malmaison forbids singing, playing music, throwing reef, displaying "flags, banners, posters or signs (...) on squares and adjacent streets" .

On 29 August 2016, 18-year-old Clément Baillon, apparently a resident of the town, a student at Sciences-po, lodged a complaint alleging that the decree enacted "general and absolute prohibitions".

Eight days later, the Mayor, Patrick Ollier, reconfigures the decree and restricts the prohibition of music and reis to the only space "inside the Town Hall".
He maintains the prohibition to park on the adjoining square for the bridal processions.

On January 24, 2019, the Court of Cergy-Pontoise:
1- Restrict the decree to the only "good behavior of the public" in the salons of the Town Hall. 2- On the grounds that the municipality has in no way demonstrated "the existence of disturbances to public order".
3- Condemns the municipality to pay 210 euros in legal costs incurred by the plaintiff.




2) - Inequality in justice

A- The facts
a- On January 21, 2014, Marc Salomone filed a complaint for the alleged spoliation of the disabled in Paris by the Mayor directed by Mr. Delanoe for the benefit of the construction of a Muslim religious group.
b- On 21 January 2015, the public prosecutor asks the Judicial Police to hear the complainant.
c- Since then, nothing.
d- It is well known that the religious complex was built in violation of the 1905 law and that the disabled never found their funds.

B- Inequality in law
The judicial differences between Mr. Baillon and Mr. Salomone are multiple:
1- Social quality
a- The first complainant is a retired worker.
b- The second is a student at Sciences-po. it belongs virtually to the same ruling castes of the state as the magistrates.

2- Reports to institutions
a- The worker
aa- In the case of the handicapped, it is possible that the public prosecutor asked for this summons only to have a report on the beast. To know if this troublemaker was alone or accompanied.
ab- As in 2015, Mr. Salomone asked by fax the Directorate of the Judicial Police for news of the outcome of the investigation; he received on the telephone, from the inspector concerned, an injunction not to intervene.
ab- A worker complains about racist anti-French device in the activities of a state-subsidized NGO and delegate of a public service,
The first judicial act is to dismiss the day of receipt of the complaint.
The second act is to bury the call.
This is the same obstruction for complaints of rapes committed by private and public cadres against workers and for acts of torture committed by authorities with a view to withdrawing complaints on this subject.

b- The Sciences-po
He files a complaint on a complex political subject.
He refuses the evolution of the decree proposed by the Mayor.
He obtains the judgment, the victory, the reimbursement of legal costs.

3- Policy
a- The first defends the most vulnerable populations, the secularism, the indivisibility of the Republic and the indistinction of individuals because of their race or religion.
In doing so, he defends democracy.

b- The second participates in what the journalists Davet and Lhomme have just described in their book "In Allah" an "Islamization face uncovered".
They specify, p. 13:
"The idea for this book was born from a question: in this community (Arab-Muslim, note), there-you indeed a rise of assertive proponents of Islam, which seeks to expand its territory, to gain whole sections of society? Clearly, to Islamize a department and more if affinities? "

4- The consequences of the trial
a- After the trial, the populations concerned, therefore Muslim, will be in the grip of Islamist militants who will develop under the protection of judges, their investment policies and domination of public space under the pretext of celebrate a wedding, a sporting victory, etc.
b- The Mayors are today more and more confronted with this grabbing of the public space under any cultural pretexts,
They no longer have any legal tools to deal with it.
Their moral and legal authority has been destroyed.
Public order in the Municipality no longer belongs to them.
c- The right
The magistrates state that the occupation of the public space by "flags, banners, posters (...) on squares and adjacent streets" does not constitute a disturbance to public order.
In other words, magistrates render a judgment of "general and absolute" authorizations for the benefit of the users of circumstances.
What is "general and absolute" is unlawful for the Mayor and lawful for particular fractions of the people.
Part 2: Identical antecedents
This student of Sciences-po is not the first to pretend to intervene in the formation and management of public authorities.

What is characteristic is that they succeed because they intervene against French people in confrontation with the Islamization of "a department and more if affinities".
1) - The bus
Around 2010-2012, the Internet produced video surveillance of a bus attacked by thugs.
One of the passengers, 20 years old, serene, speaks with the attackers to calm them down. He punches his face in the middle of the bus and at the front of the bus.
The driver does not close the door until he keeps open until a thug has come back from outside to beat him again.
A few days later, the press informs us that this young man is a student of Sciences Po.
He does not intervene to testify to the brutality of the attack.
On the contrary, he protests against the broadcast of this video that shows that these thugs are exclusive to French, or white, "we call them as we please" (see Georges Pompidou, the Gordian Node.)
For him, the broadcast of this video has racist intentions.
He intends to file a complaint not against his attackers but against the officials who broadcast a video that was to remain secret.
If another passenger had come to his rescue with whom would he have been?
He seems to have condescended to retreat. The school management must have thought that its graduates are hated enough like that.

2) - Clement Meric
In 2013, Clément Méric is a member of the group "Antifa", specialized in the altercation with the so-called "racist" or "facho" groups.
In the company of other members including a leader; he goes into an apartment sale to provoke two workers belonging to a qualified group of far right.
They are familiar with these customers of the store since for several months, local Antifa exposes a photo of one of them accompanying a notice of research about him.
Mr Meric's role is well established in these attacks.
He is to put forward his weak constitution to provoke the opponent and allow his comrades to come to the rescue not to attack an enemy but to protect a weak unjustly attacked by savages.
That day, the store's watchman formally testifies that the chief of Mr. Meric will make him play this role insistently.
The Antifa gang leave without having made any purchase and giving an appointment to the workers further. These had come only for purchases.
There they wait for the two customers. They engage the fight.
A video shows Mr. Meric attacking one of the workers from behind.
It can not be otherwise because he can not face anyone in front like a tournament champion.
A punch is enough for his morphological balance to collapse. He is dead.

It is so obvious that the punch is not in itself mortal that the prosecution will resort to two inventions to justify the connection of the blow and the death.

The first invention is that of an "American fist" of which no one can prove existence.
b- The second will be that of Hitler's anti-Semitism. We will see it later.
The public process of the case itself (notably the immediacy of the mobilizations) indicates a preparation, a major provocation.
It was clearly expected that Mr. Meric would be in the hospital and that the official maneuvers could intersect instinctual anger.
Death has stopped everything.
The public learns that Mr. Meric is a student of Sciences Po and the son of two university professors.
The School is standing up for him.
Mr. Méric continues post mortem to perform the role assigned to him during his lifetime.
He is fragile and so those who put him Ko are monsters. QED.
The two workers are put in prison while the Antifa who led the provocation are not even put in exams.
The trial arrives in 2018.
We learn that Mr. Meric is Jewish. Both workers are therefore accused of anti-Semitism.
This would explain that and all the rest.

They are innocent of the facts they are accused of. They take 11 years and 7 years.
While they were shopping with ease; they had the misfortune to meet Sciences Po and his friends whom they did not know and who were looking for him.
Here we have two samples of public "Sciences Po" commitments.
3) - The detour
These social oppositions doubled in the Court of an opposition of political commitment.
1- the workers
The fatal incident in the Meric case is June 2013.
As of September 2013, the two workers leave their partisan advocate and take a lawyer supposed to do only the right.
At the Tribunal, they will repeat their separation from any ideology of justification of personal aggression.
2- academics and Antifas
Here too, M. Méric serves as an instrument.
All the ideological mechanics of these so-called far-left groups argue that the death of Mr. Méric reinforces their analyzes and strengthens their determination.
Not once, they will say that their stupidity was at least equal to that of their pseudo-enemies.
As it is difficult to justify their provocative hysteria in the Tribunal, caste academics have developed the antisemitic detour.
But the confrontation itself is exclusive of any antisemitism.
Unlike his attackers who knew precisely who they were looking for; the attacked workers did not know any of their aggressors.
They have not materially had time to question the pedigree of each other.
However, the whole trial will focus on Mr. Méric's membership of the Jewish community. From memory, the manes of deported Auschwitz will be summoned to the bar.
From the moment when, by successive shifts, the two workers become figures of resurrected Nazism, the so-called "anti-fascist" action of the Antifa becomes legitimate, indispensable, heroic.
It becomes a public service delegation.
This manipulation of the genocide of Jews committed by Hitler's Germany has become a rule of public debate.
Mr. Meric's debate on Judaism is a dishonest substitute for the facts.

4) Inequality before the law

To impute to the wrongs of some to have gone where they were summoned by others is conceivable only by imputing to the latter's brink of having waited at the place of the convocation they had sent.
b) To say that if some had not come, the others would have had nothing, is conceived by saying that if the second had not waited, the first would have found no one.
To say that some did not have to fight back with fists, to those whom they received from others, makes sense only if one affirms likewise that the latter did not have to give fists and feet to the first.
It is remarkable that the workers struck in response to beatings and that the academics struck for ideological reasons alone.

5) - Conclusion
Justice establishes a judicial truth constituting a rupture of legal equality between the French according to the social class or the origin of belonging.

This inequality in law is established for the benefit of academics, also called "bobo" and migrants on the one hand, and the constant detriment of the French of the lower classes.

It is for the purpose of alleviating the dysfunctions mentioned above that General De Gaulle has enshrined the President of the Republic's right of pardon in the Constitution.


Marc SALOMONE


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