blog: madic50.blogspot.com / Book: The
Two forms, ed. Amazon
Paris, Tuesday, June 4, 2019
CONTRIBUTION (22) TO THE NATIONAL
DEBATE WISHED BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC IN 2019.
THE RETURN OF THE JIHADISTS (13), THE
CLARIFICATION ENGAGED BY THE JUDGMENT OF THE JIHADISTS IN IRAK AND
THE AFFIRMATION OF THE PRIORITY OF IRAQI JUSTICE (Continuation of the
reflection n ° 12 of March 11th, 2019, cf: madic50)
1) - The clarification
The Iraqi judiciary has tried and
convicted nine French jihadists, all of whom have been sentenced to
death.
For several years, the fate of jihadist
Daesh prisoners has been controversial.
This succession of judgments is a
clarification.
If the sentence had been imprisonment,
there would have been the equivocal, maintained by the northern
cadres towards those of the South, a prison sentence extremist and
vain to be corrected by the justices of the North. They alone would
be able to make a credible judgment.
A sentence that could be decided and
carried out only after a transfer of detainees and trials on the
European territory concerned. These countries are the only place for
a truly legal and humane execution of sentences.
The death penalty obliges each of the
States concerned to recognize that the only punishment is that fixed
by the Iraqi judiciary.
Either they manage to give the Iraqi
authorities the assurance of the recognition of their judicial and
therefore national sovereignty, or the convicts will be executed.
By these repeated convictions to a
penalty which execution renders without recourse; the Iraqi justice
states bluntly:
1- That it alone is competent to judge
crimes committed on its soil or in the Syrian military zone of which
it ensured the Liberation.
2- That it has priority over the
justice of the European Union (EU) for the judgment of the training
course and exercise of these criminals who aim at the overthrow of
all the political states in favor of the Muslim kalifa.
The legal clarification of Iraq
accompanies the strategic evolution that is the destruction of Daesh
and the lucid refusal of the French to see return these criminals.
2) - Consular protection
Admittedly, the French State and the
EU, which constitutionally reject the death penalty, are justified in
intervening on behalf of their fellow citizens in order to have their
sentences commuted.
However, this assertion of the sole or
priority jurisdiction of the Iraqi justice forces them to respect
several conditions in the presentation of their concerns.
1- The foundation
a- The basis of an appeal is now the
recognition of the priority of the Iraqi justice as a place of trial
of the facts committed on the place of formation and first exercise
of the criminal grouping aim at enslaving all the governments and
their populations to its principles religious. They refuse the very
existence of a political government.
b- The Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(MFA) puts it this way: "And it is not absurd to judge in Iraq
what happened in Mosul. Iraqi intelligence services are best able to
document the acts committed by our nationals. "
2- Diplomacy
Europeans can only act according to the
rules of diplomacy or by following the judicial agreements previously
established between the states.
3- The only judicial way
a- This appeal can not have the purpose
of claiming to disqualify the Iraqi justice.
b- In the words of Jean-Yves Le Drian,
Minister of Foreign Affairs, in the National Assembly: "Contrary
to what I hear here and there, the trial is fair," said the
minister, citing the presence of judges, prosecutor, clerk and lawyer
at public hearings
4- The rejects
The so-called "exfiltration"
or legal exclusivity doctrines of Western Europe are rendered
obsolete.
In this case, it must be possible to
present to the Iraqi state an agreement allowing the convicts to have
their sentence commuted and to serve the sentence in Iraq before
coming to Europe to be tried.
This judgment is essential because the
European jihadists have carried the war to Syria and Iraq to be able
to lead it also in the EU.
3) - Cultural colonialism
European democrats can thank the Iraqi
authorities for this clarification of the debates.
This establishment of the fate of the
jihadists prisoners on the only sector of the sovereignty of the
countries on whose territory they worked puts an end to the equivocal
colonialists that carried until recently the public debate.
1- The reference statement
The simplest statement of this cultural
colonialism was given by the NGO Human Rights Watch (HRW):
"If countries like France do not
want their citizens to be sentenced to death ... they should take
them home to be investigated and prosecuted," said on Friday.
May 31, 2019, Lama Fakih, Deputy Director of the NGO Human Rights
Watch (HRW) for the Middle East. (In fact, all French convicts in
recent days are subject to a judicial investigation in the Hexagon,
and therefore liable to the special Assize Court).
In this logic, the Western countries
guarantee to their nationals a criminal walk in any country of the
South. They only have the right to watch the slaughterers go by.
This trick is based on a reasoning that
could be thought obsolete; that of colonialism; even in a purely
cultural form.
France, the Western states, can rightly
"bring home" their nationals. How? Otherwise, because they
have special, tutelary rights over the southern states.
French engage in a fight to destroy a
political state. The French state must repatriate them when they are
defeated to avoid the inconvenience of the local penal code:
necessarily barbaric and tainted with illegality.
4) - The triple maneuver
Casually, the NGO invites the EU
states, including the French state, to get involved in a triple
political maneuver:
1- Disqualification
The French state is summoned to
disqualify the Iraqi state, to act on its territory as master, which
is characteristic of the colonial culture.
According to this NGO, the French state
is in fact a superior state. The Iraqi state is de facto an inferior
state.
2- Complicity
It must be seen as the fallback zone of
the defeated criminals.
This declaration claims for Western
countries, France for example, the right to "bring home"
"their nationals" "for the purpose of investigation
and prosecution".
This excludes the field study, ie
judicial, of crimes committed in Iraq and Syria.
The incompetence of the French state,
police and justice, for a field study is a fact.
The "nationals" would be
judged only for having left for a place of fighting and for the
declarations of their participation in them.
The lawyers would only make a mouthful
of this type of accusation.
How to prohibit freedom of movement and
how to prove personal facts on a battlefield that has no access, even
after the fact?
As the French state could not release
these people, we would return to the same hysterical lamentations of
state infamy as to the Iraqi state.
So the joke of "investigations"
and "prosecutions" is a simple procedure of reintegration
of public life, an airlock. Their only judicial purpose is to
prohibit the states of the South and the North from trying crimes
committed against Daesh.
The NGO camp therefore develops as an
argument both colonial cultural arrogance and the moral and political
recognition of jihadism on the grounds that it concerns only inferior
states.
3- The ideological filiation
If colonialism is purely cultural,
ideological filiation is active.
Under this reasoning, the French State
can not surrender its nationals to the Iraqi State and accept that
the justice of the latter is the only competent judge, because,
ultimately, it recognizes a legitimacy in the fight against Kalifa
against the principle of the political state considered as bankrupt.
The French state is called to consider
that the destruction of the political states of the South and their
replacement by archaic structures can be a legitimate political goal.
He can not therefore consider himself
attacked when the Iraqi political state is attacked.
In fact, all political states are a
criminal continuity.
a- The Iraqi state does not judge. He
sits his all power by a parody of justice accompanied by torture and
blindness.
b- The French State failed in its
mission of defense of all its fellow citizens. He collaborates with
the lower justices of the South. He subtracts the infamy to which he
does not want to attach his name but which he supports shamefully.
On reading their argument, it appears
that the NGO party settles in the same ideological lineage as the
Islamic State.
This filiation is that of the
disqualification of the political state in favor of kalifa.
This time, it is not a question of
attacking the states but of making them powerless, of forbidding them
to defend themselves or to exist morally, of delegitimizing them.
Colonialism and villainous complicity
are added to the Munich ideology.
The goal is to win culturally the
battle lost militarily.
5) - Conclusion
The defeat of Daesh highlighted the
conflict of two political lines.
It would be futile to wait for the
conflict between these two political lines to recede.
The victory of one is necessarily the
defeat of the other.
75 years ago, on the beaches of
Normandy, a battle was fought. The two armies were as violent, cruel,
criminal, but also globalist and nationalistic, one as the other.
The stake was the Occupation or the
Liberation.
Thanks to the lucidity and
determination of yesterday's winners, Europeans still have the means
to choose between today's two lines.
This is not obvious.
Marc SALOMONE
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